The whiskey barrel house

Rhiannon Hanfman explores a sustainable house and garden like no other


In this community of varied and unusual dwellings, my favourite is the house of my friend, Craig Gibsone. Craig; an artist, potter and Ecovillage trainer has lived at Findhorn since the 60s. He started building his house sometime around 1986 and been has constantly adding to it ever since. It's still not finished. Maybe never will be.

This house is one of the cluster of barrel houses that have received national recognition as an example of innovative building. These houses are made from very large whiskey vats, hence the name. Moray is malt whiskey country and these huge wooden vats discarded by the distillers are perfect for making round hobbit-like houses. Within the cluster there are simple one-barrel houses and more elaborate two-storey barrels. Craig’s is the most interesting and is comprised of two barrels held together by an octagonal structure. It is a warren of rooms and passages and a sense of barrels within barrels. Built to no specific plan it has grown organically as Craig has extended and added bits. It feels larger than it is due to unexpected rooms leading from other rooms and various nooks and crannies. If asked how many rooms it has, I really couldn’t say. The place defies anything as precise as counting.

In addition to the whiskey barrels, almost every other part of the building was once something else. Craig believes that it is composed of around 73% recycled materials. All furnishings are 100% recycled. Nothing new has been bought. This house is not only eco, it is also very beautiful in a funky kind of way and has a unique character. It is heated by solar and wood with electricity backup if needed. So far it hasn‘t been needed. Though we all complain about the weather here, it is really very mild compared to other parts of Scotland. Rainwater is collected for various uses.

Craig has an artist’s eye for finding beauty and value in things other people might consider rubbish. A badly painted mirror that someone had put on a skip caught his eye. He cleaned it up and found a beautiful 19th or possibly 18th century mirror. The place is full of stuff like that.

The sense of one area leading in another continues into the garden. There one really can get lost. It’s a permaculture garden and to an eye accustomed to well-weeded, tidy rows of flowers or vegetables, it’s a mess. It is, however, a mess with purpose. The philosophy of permaculture is to let nature do most of the work. Once plants are established they take care of themselves. The garden becomes self-seeding, self-composting and self-sustaining, just as in nature. The yield is as good, if not better than a conventionally maintained vegetable garden. Chickens help keep the ground clear and weeded. When they have cleared one patch they get move to another.

I love this house for its originality and the way it blends with nature rather than impose on it. It is a unique expression of the aesthetic and individuality of its creator. I couldn’t reproduce it and I wouldn’t want to, but it does inspire me to want to create a dwelling that is as eco-friendly and as reflective of my individuality as this one is of Craig’s.

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The post-Brexit power vacuum is hindering the battle against climate change

Brexit turmoil should not distract from the enormity of the task ahead.

“The UK will not step back from that international leadership [on clean energy]”, the Secretary for climate change, Amber Rudd, told a sea of suits at Wednesday's summit on Business and the environment.

The setting inside London’s ancient Guidlhall helped load her claims with a sense of continuity. But can such rhetoric be believed? Not only have recent events thrown the UK's future ability to lead on climate change into doubt, but a closer look at policy suggests that this government has rarely been leading to start with.

Rudd’s speech came just 24 hours before she laid the order of approval for the UK’s fifth Carbon Budget. This budget will set our 2028-2032 emissions target at a 57 per cent reduction on 1990 levels – in line with the advice of the independent Committee on Climate Change. And comes amidst a party-wide attempt to reassure green business that Britain is open as normal: "I think investors now should feel they have a very clear path ahead," Andrea Leadsom has insisted.

In some respects, those wanting to make the case for an independent UK, could not have wished for a better example than the home-grown carbon budget. The budget is the legal consequence of the UK’s ground-breaking domestic 2008 Climate Change Act, which aims to cut emissions by 80 per cent by 2050. And the new 57 per cent interim target also appears to put the UK ahead of European efforts on the matter - exceeding the EU goal of a 40 per cent emissions reduction.

The announcement will thus allow David Cameron to argue that he has fulfilled his husky-loving promise to provide leadership on the environment. He may even make it the basis for an early ratification of the Paris Climate Agreement, ahead of the European bloc as a whole.

Yet looked at more closely, the carbon budget throws the UK’s claims to climate leadership into serious doubt.

In the short term, its delayed, last moment, release is a dispiriting example of Westminster’s new power-vacuum. Business leaders, such as those at yesterday’s conference, are crying out for “consistent, coherent and predictable national policies” on climate change and emissions reductions. Yet today’s carbon budget can only go so far to maintaining the pretence of stability.

Earlier this week, Amber Rudd responded to a parliamentary question into how Brexit will effect the UK’s climate ambitions with a link to none other than the Prime Minister’s resignation speech. And while concrete progress on policy will have to wait for party-political power struggles politics to run their course, historic Tory hostility to green policy makes progressive change far from certain.

Supporters of Brexiteer Boris Johnson may have played down his opposition to action on climate change in recent days, quipping that he would sooner be “kebabbed with a steak knife over the dining room table” by his environmentalist father. But the recent appointment of UKIP’s Mark Reckless, from a party notorious for its climate scepticism, as the new chairman of the Welsh committee on climate change has sent shock waves through the environmental community and will do little to help allay investor fears.

More concerning still is the 47 per cent shortfall between emission targets and present reality. A progress report released today is damning evidence of the Conservative's long-term neglect of the underlying issues.

Such censure builds upon the findings of a recent study from the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit. Far from leading Europe’s major nations on issues of energy and climate change, their research finds the UK to be distinctly middle of the pack. “Of the ‘Big Five’ economies with comparable levels of population size, GDP, ect., Britain ranks third, behind France and Spain but ahead of Italy and Germany”, write authors Matt Finch and Dr Jonathan Marshall.

A significant number of incentives for government action – such as fines for not meeting interim targets on energy efficiency – would also be nullified in the instance of Brexit. And it cannot even be claimed that our long-term ambition is greater than Europe’s: the UK’s target is an 80 per cent cut between 1990-2050, and the EU’s is 80-95 per cent.

News that the manufacturing giant Siemens is suspending new investment into its UK-based offshore wind operations could thus be set to prove symptomatic of a wider trend. And ministers must act fast to turn promises into policy.

Even  Michael Gove - the man who once wanted to take climate change off the curriculum – now describes as one of the world’s greatest challenges. While according  to the new shadow secretary for energy and climate change, Barry Gardiner: “The government can no longer wait until December to publish its Carbon Plan. It must do so now.”  

Included in such a plan should be clarification of the UK’s relationship to European emissions trading, the development of a Carbon Capture & Storage strategy, and urgent action on heating and transport efficiency. The 5th Carbon Budget is an important step towards this process but Brexit turmoil should not distract from the enormity of the task ahead. Nor from the damning fragility of Cameron’s environmental legacy to date.

 

India Bourke is the New Statesman's editorial assistant.