Much ado about Apple

Is the US Department of Justice making a fuss over nothing?

The perilous future of publishers was highlighted yet again by yesterday’s news that the US Department of Justice is suing Apple, Macmillan and Penguin for conspiring to fix the price of e-books.

The fuss centres on the move these companies have made on the agency model of selling, (where the publishers set the price of the e-book and the retailers take a 30 per cent cut); retailers, unsurprisingly, favour a model where they buy the e-book from the publisher at wholesale price and sell it for however much they want.

Such a model, it’s said, increases healthy competition between retailers which in turn leads to variety and greater customer choice. And according to papers filed in New York’s Southern District Court on Wednesday morning, the collusion of these publishing giants with the world’s most valuable firm (the lawsuit was launched the day after Apple’s worth surpassed $600bn), is a deeply unfair attempt to crush the freedom – and therefore prosperity – of e-book retailers who, after all, need to carve out a living for themselves too.

But this moral and legal outrage needs to be tempered a little. Two things to bear in mind: first, where is this diversity and healthy retail competition that the agency model – which is not illegal, incidentally – supposedly threatens? In every direction you turn, Amazon lurks, offering consumers e-books and books at prices that most other retailers – including high street giants such as Waterstone’s – cannot compete with. Indeed, an adoption of the agency model for e-books is essentially a digital return to the net book agreement, which publishers relinquished in 1997. Waterstone’s, supermarkets and Amazon must have been rubbing their hands with glee when that happened, as the three of them they went on to dominate the market, squashing smaller outlets in the process. What variety!

Second, though the agency model is legal, price fixing obviously is not. No doubt there will be a fair amount of legal hair-splitting over what exactly the publishing CEOs have been up to, but at the moment the circumstantial evidence is pretty thin on the ground.

The PDF document released by the DOJ reports that in late 2008, the Penguin Group and Macmillan CEOs, along with a few other heavyweights, had dinner together and ‘business matters’ were discussed. You’re kidding, right? They were at it again in January 2009, this time discussing the future of e-books and Amazon’s role in that future.

With their future looking increasingly treacherous, it’s no wonder publishing bosses have a lot to talk about at the moment. The agency model might be their only chance to survive in the cut throat world of e-book and book sales

Mark Nayler is a senior researcher at Spear's magazine.

Raising e-book prices: justified? Getty images.

Mark Nayler is a senior researcher at Spear's magazine.

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Tony Blair might be a toxic figure - but his influence endures

Politicians at home and abroad are borrowing from the former prime minister's playbook. 

On 24 May at Methodist Central Hall, Westminster, a short distance from where he once governed, Tony Blair resurfaced for a public discussion. Having arrived on an overnight flight, he looked drawn and puffy-eyed but soon warmed to his theme: a robust defence of liberal globalisation. He admitted, however, to bafflement at recent events in the world. "I thought I was pretty good at politics. But I look at politics today and I’m not sure I understand it."

Blair lost power in the summer of 2007. In the ensuing nine years, he lost reputation. His business ventures and alliances with autocrats have made him a pariah among both the public and his party. A YouGov poll published last year found that 61 per cent of voters regarded Blair as an electoral liability, while just 14 per cent viewed him as an asset. In contrast, John Major, whom he defeated by a landslide in 1997, had a neutral net rating of zero. It is ever harder to recall that Blair won not one general election (he is the only living Labour leader to have done so) but three.

His standing is likely to diminish further when the Iraq inquiry report is published on 6 July. Advance leaks to the Sunday Times suggest that he will be censured for allegedly guaranteeing British military support to the US a year before the invasion. Few minds on either side will be changed by the 2.6 million-word document. Yet its publication will help enshrine Iraq as the defining feature of a legacy that also includes the minimum wage, tax credits, Sure Start, devolution and civil partnerships.

Former leaders can ordinarily rely on their parties to act as a last line of defence. In Blair’s case, however, much of the greatest opprobrium comes from his own side. Jeremy Corbyn inclines to the view that Iraq was not merely a blunder but a crime. In last year’s Labour leadership election, Liz Kendall, the most Blair-esque candidate, was rewarded with 4.5 per cent of the vote. The former prime minister’s imprimatur has become the political equivalent of the black spot.

Yet outside of the Labour leadership, Blairism endures in notable and often surprising forms. Sadiq Khan won the party’s London mayoral selection by running to the left of Tessa Jowell, one of Tony Blair’s closest allies. But his successful campaign against Zac Goldsmith drew lessons from Blair’s election triumphs. Khan relentlessly presented himself as “pro-business” and reached out beyond Labour’s core vote. After his victory, he was liberated to use the B-word, contrasting what “Tony Blair did [in opposition]” with Corbyn’s approach.

In their defence of the UK’s EU membership, David Cameron and George Osborne have deployed arguments once advanced by New Labour. The strategically minded Chancellor has forged an unlikely friendship with his former nemesis Peter Mandelson. In the domestic sphere, through equal marriage, the National Living Wage and the 0.7 per cent overseas aid target, the Conservatives have built on, rather than dismantled, significant Labour achievements."They just swallowed the entire manual," Mandelson declared at a recent King’s College seminar. "They didn’t just read the executive summary, they are following the whole thing to the letter."

Among SNP supporters, "Blairite" is the pejorative of choice. But the parallels between their party and New Labour are more suggestive than they would wish. Like Blair, Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon have avoided income tax rises in order to retain the support of middle-class Scottish conservatives. In a speech last August on education, Sturgeon echoed the Blairite mantra that "what matters is what works".

Beyond British shores, political leaders are similarly inspired by Blair – and less reticent about acknowledging as much. Matteo Renzi, the 41-year-old centre-left Italian prime minister, is a long-standing admirer. "I adore one of his sayings,” he remarked in 2013. “I love all the traditions of my party, except one: that of losing elections."

In France, the reform-minded prime minister, Manuel Valls, and the minister of economy, Emmanuel Macron, are also self-described Blairites. Macron, who in April launched his own political movement, En Marche!, will shortly decide whether to challenge for the presidency next year. When he was compared to Blair by the TV presenter Andrew Marr, his response reflected the former prime minister’s diminished domestic reputation: “I don’t know if, in your mouth, that is a promise or a threat.”

The continuing attraction of Blair’s “third way” to European politicians reflects the failure of the project’s social-democratic critics to construct an alternative. Those who have sought to do so have struggled both in office (François Hollande) and out of it (Ed Miliband). The left is increasingly polarised between reformers and radicals (Corbyn, Syriza, Podemos), with those in between straining for relevance.

Despite his long absences from Britain, Blair’s friends say that he remains immersed in the intricacies of Labour politics. He has privately warned MPs that any attempt to keep Corbyn off the ballot in the event of a leadership challenge would be overruled by the National Executive Committee. At Methodist Central Hall, he said of Corbyn’s supporters: “It’s clear they can take over a political party. What’s not clear to me is whether they can take over a country.”

It was Blair’s insufficient devotion to the former task that enabled the revival of the left. As Alastair Campbell recently acknowledged: “We failed to develop talent, failed to cement organisational and cultural change in the party and failed to secure our legacy.” Rather than effecting a permanent realignment, as the right of the party hoped and the left feared, New Labour failed to outlive its creators.

It instead endures in a fragmented form as politicians at home and abroad co-opt its defining features: its pro-business pragmatism, its big-tent electoralism, its presentational nous. Some of Corbyn’s ­allies privately fear that Labour will one day re-embrace Blairism. But its new adherents would never dare to use that name.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

This article first appeared in the 26 May 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The Brexit odd squad