The NS Interview: Tracy Emin

"I don’t need a life model, I am my life model”

What are you trying to convey on the NS cover?
That art and culture are dead - it's the state that Britain is in financially after 30 years of ill-considered government. The tragedy is that it's the arts that have kept Britain afloat during this fucking drought. And it's the arts that are the first things to get slashed.

Do you blame Labour?
I think Labour was appallingly shit towards the arts. People like Andy Burnham, they're philistines. This sounds snobby, but in the Tory party - Jeremy Hunt and Ed Vaizey - they know about art. I'm having lunch with them; they're in touch with artists.

How did you vote in the last election?
I voted for the Conservatives. I live in a democracy; it's up to me who I vote for. We've got the best government we've ever had.

Have you always been a Tory?
It's not about party politics; it's about the individuals. I think Margaret Thatcher should be tried for crimes against humanity.

So how do you engage in politics?
The best thing to do is to vote for the best thing for yourself and then make the country a better place, not vote for old-fashioned, out-of-date ideals that don't work in Britain any more.

What is the purpose of art?
Art is the soul of all countries. If you rip that away, they become nebulous, moronic societies.

How did you know what kind of artist you wanted to be?
I didn't want to be a debutante having a day out. I wanted my art to make a difference, to show people, especially women, that you can be an
artist. You don't have to be a man with a beard.

Was it difficult to become established?
I left school at 13, so to get into university was a bloody triumph. It's always been a struggle.

Why is your own life your principal subject?
I don't need a life model - I am my life model. I've drawn what I know.

Has your celebrity overshadowed your work?
It's a big thing, as a female artist, to be recognised in the street. It isn't normal. But I make a living out of my art. It's my vocation. I'm not
a celebrity.

Is there a side of your art that you feel has been ignored?
I've made work about God and love, but it's sex, sport and scandal that sell. If I'm going to put my dirty knickers on my bed, what do I expect? But just because I'm provocative doesn't mean that people have to go around raping me.

Is that what it feels like?
Yes. When you read the newspaper and it says, "She's nothing but a media whore," you think: "No, I'm not. And they're putting me on the front cover, so they're the pimps."

Is integrity lacking in contemporary art?
Matisse lived in the south of France and he hung out with the Vichy party. For me, Matisse misses a few notes for that. Being an artist, you have a responsibility for your art, but you also have a responsibility for being a correct person.

How do you maintain integrity in your work?
You're presuming that I have integrity. A lot of people wouldn't.

Do you feel critics have been unfair to you?
People aren't cruel about my work; they're cruel to me. But I'm bigger than them. I'm tougher than that.

Is your legacy important to you?
I don't have children and I'll never have children. I don't have a partner. I'm weird. It's about self-preservation and understanding that there's only one person who's going to look after you, and that's yourself.

How do you want to be remembered?
I'd just like the work to be looked after. The Tate has a big room of my work, so a little bit of me stays within history. Also, I have a trust - my studio will become a museum.

What does it feel like to be a subject of study?
I was going to apply to Kent University to do a PhD on myself - I know I'm misunderstood, so it would be good to put it down in writing.

Is there anything you'd like to forget?
Sometimes I'd like to forget who I am.

Is there a plan?
There's always a five-year plan. Even when I thought there was no future, I had one.

So what's your five-year plan now?
I'll be 52 [in five years]. I hope my life will be a lot quieter. What I'd love is someone to look after me. But I don't think that's going to happen.

Are we all doomed?
No, we're not. We have to fight, we have to have faith and we have to look after each other. It's not preaching - it's common sense.

Defining Moments

1963 Born in London
1989 Completes MA at Royal College of Art
1994 Holds her first solo show, "My Major Retrospective", at White Cube gallery
1999 Shortlisted for Turner Prize
2005 Publishes her memoir, Strangeland
2007 Becomes a Royal Academician and represents Britain at the 52nd Venice Biennale
2008 Major retrospective at the Scottish National Gallery of Modern Art

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

This article first appeared in the 11 October 2010 issue of the New Statesman, Melvyn Bragg guest edit

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times