2 in 3 smokers wish they could stop and 9 in 10 wish they had never started. Photo: Getty
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Why we should ban the sale of cigarettes to people born after the year 2000

Someone who starts smoking at age 15 is three times more likely to die of tobacco related cancer than someone who starts in their mid-20s.

Humanity has never developed anything more deadly than the cigarette. The combination of its addictive power and devastating health effects, coupled with historical social norms and powerful advertising campaigns, killed 100 million people in the twentieth century. The World Health Organisation predicts that this continuing epidemic will kill a billion more in the twenty-first. Tobacco products cause the death of 50 per cent of their users and, for each death, 20 other people suffer from a smoking related disease. Allowing this cycle of addiction, suffering and death to continue is unconscionable.

One solution is to prohibit the sale of cigarettes to people born after the year 2000. As this generation reach 18 in 2018 they would be prevented from buying cigarettes for their lifetime in a move that would progressively phase out cigarette sales. This would have the effect of de-normalising smoking for an entire generation of children and slowly begin to reduce the harm caused by tobacco. Evidence published today in the Lancet shows the incredible effects that smoke-free legislation has had on child health, including reducing premature births and hospital attendances for asthma attacks. It’s time to apply the lessons from this evidence to the population as a whole.

This move may be unpopular among people who view banning the sale of cigarettes as a restriction of personal freedom. However, starting to smoke predominantly takes place in childhood and adolescence, as 80 per cent of smokers start in their teens. This decision is heavily influenced by peer pressure and a desire to appear more adult, rather than being dependent on rational choice. Almost 99 per cent of people think adolescents should be prevented from taking up smoking and to achieve this smoking must become socially unacceptable. This is particularly important as someone who starts smoking at age 15 is three times more likely to die of tobacco related cancer than someone who starts in their mid-20s. By the time smokers reach adulthood, the majority continue smoking to relieve the unpleasant sensation of nicotine withdrawal, rather than to gain any pleasurable effect from the nicotine itself. Addiction, by definition, cannot be an expression of free will. This is reflected in the fact that 2 in 3 smokers wish they could stop and 9 in 10 wish they had never started. If smoking were a true choice, there would be far fewer smokers in the world.

The inevitable comparison of this policy with alcohol prohibition in the 1920s is hard to ignore. However, substantial differences exist between the nature of alcohol and the nature of tobacco. Most people who smoke are nicotine addicts responding to withdrawal symptoms who wish they could stop. In contrast, the majority of people who drink alcohol do so recreationally for its pleasurable effects. Alcohol is substantially less addictive than nicotine and so a much smaller proportion of drinkers become alcoholics. If 90 per cent people who drank became alcoholics there would be total public outrage. In recognition of the harms caused by tobacco, over time there has been a supportive public response to tobacco legislation, including health warnings, advertising bans, smoke-free public places and preventing smoking in cars with children. It would be surprising to suddenly see a large proportion of the population take up clandestine smoking in response to this kind of ban, particularly as current smokers would be able to continue buying cigarettes without hindrance.

While smoking is still seen as socially acceptable in daily life and believed to be an expression of free will it is unlikely that there will be sufficient political will to call for an outright ban. However, this policy presents an opportunity to intervene for the generation who have not yet started smoking to prevent them from perpetuating the cycle of misery and suffering caused by nicotine addiction. It’s time to play the tobacco endgame and begin building the first smoke free generation.

Dr Tim Crocker-Buqué is a Speciality Registrar in Public Health Medicine

Ukip's Nigel Farage and Paul Nuttall. Photo: Getty
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Is the general election 2017 the end of Ukip?

Ukip led the way to Brexit, but now the party is on less than 10 per cent in the polls. 

Ukip could be finished. Ukip has only ever had two MPs, but it held an outside influence on politics: without it, we’d probably never have had the EU referendum. But Brexit has turned Ukip into a single-issue party without an issue. Ukip’s sole remaining MP, Douglas Carswell, left the party in March 2017, and told Sky News’ Adam Boulton that there was “no point” to the party anymore. 

Not everyone in Ukip has given up, though: Nigel Farage told Peston on Sunday that Ukip “will survive”, and current leader Paul Nuttall will be contesting a seat this year. But Ukip is standing in fewer constituencies than last time thanks to a shortage of both money and people. Who benefits if Ukip is finished? It’s likely to be the Tories. 

Is Ukip finished? 

What are Ukip's poll ratings?

Ukip’s poll ratings peaked in June 2016 at 16 per cent. Since the leave campaign’s success, that has steadily declined so that Ukip is going into the 2017 general election on 4 per cent, according to the latest polls. If the polls can be trusted, that’s a serious collapse.

Can Ukip get anymore MPs?

In the 2015 general election Ukip contested nearly every seat and got 13 per cent of the vote, making it the third biggest party (although is only returned one MP). Now Ukip is reportedly struggling to find candidates and could stand in as few as 100 seats. Ukip leader Paul Nuttall will stand in Boston and Skegness, but both ex-leader Nigel Farage and donor Arron Banks have ruled themselves out of running this time.

How many members does Ukip have?

Ukip’s membership declined from 45,994 at the 2015 general election to 39,000 in 2016. That’s a worrying sign for any political party, which relies on grassroots memberships to put in the campaigning legwork.

What does Ukip's decline mean for Labour and the Conservatives? 

The rise of Ukip took votes from both the Conservatives and Labour, with a nationalist message that appealed to disaffected voters from both right and left. But the decline of Ukip only seems to be helping the Conservatives. Stephen Bush has written about how in Wales voting Ukip seems to have been a gateway drug for traditional Labour voters who are now backing the mainstream right; so the voters Ukip took from the Conservatives are reverting to the Conservatives, and the ones they took from Labour are transferring to the Conservatives too.

Ukip might be finished as an electoral force, but its influence on the rest of British politics will be felt for many years yet. 

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