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1 October 2025

We’re all obsessed with Nigel Farage now

The media may have created the habit, but it is now part of our national consciousness

By Rachel Cunliffe

No one could have missed the big focus of Keir Starmer’s conference speech – and, indeed, of the Labour Party Conference overall. The spectre of Nigel Farage haunted throughout. Farage’s name may have only been mentioned four times by Starmer (compared to the 30 references in Ed Davey’s speech last week), but the Prime Minister’s entire argument was framed in terms of opposition to Reform: us versus them, decency versus division, patriotic renewal (accompanied by enthusiastic flag-waving) versus the politics of grievance.

So it’s no surprise that the journalists grilling Starmer afterwards picked up on the theme. Again and again, facing a range of broadcasters from different media outlets, he was asked to defend his focus on Reform and the comments he had made. Sky News began by asking “Prime Minister, do you think Nigel Farage is racist?” Times Radio led with a question on Starmer calling Farage “the enemy” and saying he “would fight him”. And then came the kicker, from Robert Peston of ITV. “Nigel Farage loves attention, he loves publicity,” he pointed out to Starmer. “Aren’t you just giving him the platform that he craves?”

This is an important question – or it would have been, a year ago, directed not to the Prime Minister but to the media itself.

Whole theses could (and most likely will) be written on how Farage has expertly used the media over his political career, his instinct for social media, his savvy use of new platforms like TikTok, the blending of activism and punditry he perfected on his GB News show. And in an attention economy with mainstream outlets desperate for eyeballs, everyone has wanted in on the action. The result is that Farage – who until last July had never been an MP – can boast 38 appearances on BBC Question Time, the sixth highest in the programme’s 46-year history, below such parliamentary veterans as Ken Clarke, Charles Kennedy and Harriet Harman.

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The frequent appearances by Farage himself on flagship political programmes have lessened somewhat since the election, but at the same time, focus on his party sky-rocketed. With a parliamentary cohort ranging between four and five members, one might except Reform to get a similar level of coverage to the Greens. But anyone who pays even the vaguest attention to the news will know just how wrong that is.

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Take the study released in October by broadcast PR consultancy Be Broadcast and political strategists Cast From Clay: out of more than 1.5 million broadcast mentions between 1 January and 3 September 2025, Reform enjoyed 353,660 mentions – equivalent to 70,732 mentions per MP. The Lib Dems, in contrast, received just 645 mentions per MP.

Dividing coverage by MPs isn’t the only way to crunch the numbers, but even in terms of vote share or polling lead, Reform get disproportionate exposure. And this isn’t the only study. Research from Cardiff University found Reform was massively overrepresented in news bulletins from the BBC and ITV.

The Lib Dems are particularly enraged about all this (unsurprisingly, given they get about half the broadcast attention Reform does). The party launched a “Balance the BBC” petition last month, accusing the BBC of “wall to wall” Reform coverage. While that might be a bit of an exaggeration, they noted: “The BBC carried footage of Farage reacting to the government’s migrant deal with France from GB News on their flagship 6pm programme – clipping from a rival broadcaster to in order to carry Reform’s commentary. Farage’s recent press conference… ran all day on the BBC’s home and politics page – a favour rarely afforded to other political leaders.” Sky News has faced similar criticism for choosing to air live feeds – at length – directly from Reform’s press room.

In the broadcasters’ defence, getting the balance right is a real challenge. Reform might have only a handful of MPs, but it has been leading the polls since February. In an electoral system designed for two main parties and elections every four or five years, what is the “right” amount of coverage for a new party that is dominating the fractured political landscape while being an insignificant force in parliament? It’s justifiable to want to hear from the party which could potential be in government by the end of the decade.

But let’s not pretend that’s the only thing that’s going on. Farage is one of the few politicians ordinary people get excited about, whether they love him or loath him. Articles with Farage in the headline get clicks, broadcast clips with or about Farage get views. Anyone who works in media has known this for years. It’s why Farage was overrepresented long before he got anywhere near parliament, and it’s a big part of the reason his party is being overrepresented now.

That leaves Keir Starmer, considered a bit boring and beige even at the height of his popularity, in an unenviable position. Had he chosen not to mention Farage at any point in his speech – had the word “Farage” been banned from the entire conference – there is no question he would have been asked about it by the very same journalists now wondering aloud whether he isn’t a bit obsessed with his Reform rival. The questions write themselves. “Prime Minister, why are you ignoring Nigel Farage? Don’t you think you have a duty to respond to the party that is leading the polls? Isn’t it a bit patronising for you to act like Reform doesn’t exist? Don’t you have your head in the sand?”

Starmer’s laser-like Farage focus may come back to bite him. Calling Reform’s plan to scrap indefinite leave to remain “racist” is a risk, opening up a debate about whether the party and its voters are racist (there’s been some fascinating YouGov polling out today on what the public think of all this – nearly half actually do think the Reform UK party is “generally racist”), and could backfire if people tempted by Reform feel attacked by Labour. It also risks legitimising Farage as the de facto leader of the opposition – although the government has been treating him as such for months. And there’s always a chance left-wing Labour voters feel alienated by the government’s determination to move onto Reform’s turf and look for alternatives elsewhere.

But in terms of giving Farage “the platform he craves”, Starmer can sleep soundly. It’s not the Prime Minister who’s obsessed with Farage: it’s all of us.

[Further reading: The delusional joy of Labour conference]

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