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What is the Unionist Party and will it change Scottish politics?

Many pro-union campaigners had never heard of it. Then it beat the SNP to second place in a council by-election. 

Labour won a by-election in Fortissat, North Lanarkshire, from the Conservatives, with the Scottish National Party in third place on first preference votes. Progressive unionists celebrated. But attention has also turned to the party that came second, the Unionist Party.   

Despite its name, the party is so obscure that former Better Together heavyweights were Googling it this morning.  

“A Better Britain Unionist Party”  – not to be confused with the Scottish Unionist Party, which has been going since 1986 – was formed in late 2015. According to the party’s website, it was founded by grassroots unionist activist who were involved in the Better Together campaign. 

It opposes further devolution, referendums, and backs Brexit. Despite being in submarine mode, the party has stood candidates in the 2017 council elections and the 2016 Scottish parliamentary elections. 

“Unionist Party humiliates SNP,” it declared after Thursday’s by-election result. The mainstream pro-union movement, though, is not joining in the celebrations. 

In Scotland, there have long been attempts to distance the pro-union argument from the unionist politics that overlap with Protestant identity, the Orange Order and British nationalism. Despite Ruth Davidson’s elevation to national stardom, at the grassroots level the Scottish Tories are trying to recover from a scandal in which two Stirling councillors were found to have posted anti-Catholic and racist abuse before their election in May. 

The vote for the Unionist Party is believed to come from a distinctly Protestant voter bloc, which until now has backed the Scottish Tories or Scottish Labour. In May, shortly after the council elections, Jim McHarg, the grand master of the Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland, a controversial Protestant organisation, said at least six members had been voted in as councillors, for both the Conservatives and Labour, including in Lanarkshire. 

One source close to the mainstream pro-union movement described the Unionist Party as a fringe group, but added: “There has been a reawakening of Orange identity.” 

But while the Unionist Party may put anti-sectarianism campaigners on edge, for now, it is unlikely to pose a serious threat to the mainstream pro-union parties. The biggest problem, instead, may be containing the excesses of grassroots unionism within their own ranks. 

Julia Rampen is the digital news editor of the New Statesman (previously editor of The Staggers, The New Statesman's online rolling politics blog). She has also been deputy editor at Mirror Money Online and has worked as a financial journalist for several trade magazines. 

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Jeremy Corbyn supporters should stop excusing Labour’s anti-immigration drift

The Labour leader is a passionate defender of migrants’ rights – Brexit shouldn’t distract the new left movement from that.

Something strange is happening on the British left – a kind of deliberate collective amnesia. During the EU referendum, the overwhelming majority of the left backed Remain.

Contrary to a common myth, both Jeremy Corbyn and the movement behind him put their weight into a campaign that argued forcefully for internationalism, migrants’ rights and regulatory protections.

And yet now, as Labour’s policy on Brexit hardens, swathes of the left appear to be embracing Lexit, and a set of arguments which they would have laughed off stage barely a year ago.

The example of free movement is glaring and obvious, but worth rehashing. When Labour went into the 2017 general election promising to end free movement with the EU, it did so with a wider election campaign whose tone was more pro-migrant than any before it.

Nonetheless, the policy itself, along with restricting migrants’ access to public funds, stood in a long tradition of Labour triangulating to the right on immigration for electorally calculated reasons. When Ed Miliband promised “tough controls on immigration”, the left rightly attacked him.  

The result of this contradiction is that those on the left who want to agree unequivocally with the leadership must find left-wing reasons for doing so. And so, activists who have spent years declaring their solidarity with migrants and calling for a borderless world can now be found contemplating ways for the biggest expansion of border controls in recent British history – which is what the end of free movement would mean – to seem progressive, or like an opportunity.

The idea that giving ground to migrant-bashing narratives or being harsher on Poles might make life easier for non-EU migrants was rightly dismissed by most left-wing activists during the referendum.

Now, some are going quiet or altering course.

On the Single Market, too, neo-Lexit is making a comeback. Having argued passionately in favour of membership, both the Labour leadership and a wider layer of its supporters now argue – to some extent or another – that only by leaving the Single Market could Labour implement a manifesto.

This is simply wrong: there is very little in Labour’s manifesto that does not have an already-existing precedent in continental Europe. In fact, the levers of the EU are a key tool for clamping down on the power of big capital.

In recent speeches, Corbyn has spoken about the Posted Workers’ Directive – but this accounts for about 0.17 per cent of the workforce, and is about to be radically reformed by the European Parliament.

The dangers of this position are serious. If Labour’s leadership takes the path of least resistance on immigration policy and international integration, and its support base rationalises these compromises uncritically, then the logic of the Brexit vote – its borders, its affirmation of anti-migrant narratives, its rising nationalist sentiment – will be mainlined into Labour Party policy.

Socialism in One Country and a return to the nation state cannot work for the left, but they are being championed by the neo-Lexiteers. In one widely shared blogpost on Novara Media, one commentator even goes as far as alluding to Britain’s Road to Socialism – the official programme of the orthodox Communist Party.

The muted and supportive reaction of Labour’s left to the leadership’s compromises on migration and Brexit owes much to the inept positioning of the Labour right. Centrists may gain personal profile and factional capital when the weaponising the issue, but the consequences have been dire.

Around 80 per cent of Labour members still want a second referendum, and making himself the “stop Brexit” candidate could in a parallel universe have been Owen Smith’s path to victory in the second leadership election.

But it meant that in the summer of 2016, when the mass base of Corbynism hardened its factional resolve, it did so under siege not just from rebelling MPs, but from the “Remoaners” as well.

At every juncture, the strategy of the centrist Labour and media establishment has made Brexit more likely. Every time a veteran of the New Labour era – many of whom have appalling records on, for instance, migrants’ rights – tells Labour members to fight Brexit, party members run a mile.

If Tony Blair’s messiah complex was accurate, he would have saved us all a long time ago – by shutting up and going away. The atmosphere of subterfuge and siege from MPs and the liberal press has, by necessity, created a culture of loyalty and intellectual conformity on the left.

But with its position in the party unassailable, and a radical Labour government within touching distance of Downing Street, the last thing the Labour leadership now needs is a wave of Corbynite loyalty-hipsters hailing its every word.

As the history of every attempt to form a radical government shows, what we desperately need is a movement with its own internal democratic life, and an activist army that can push its leaders as well as deliver leaflets for them.

Lexit is no more possible now than it was during the EU referendum, and the support base of the Labour left and the wider party is overwhelmingly in favour of free movement and EU membership.

Jeremy Corbyn, John McDonnell and Diane Abbott are passionate, principled advocates for migrants’ rights and internationalism. By showing leadership, Labour can once again change what is electorally possible.