Streets across several Iranian cities have once again seen large and unusual anti-government protests after a three-year lull. The demonstrations, which initially began with strikes by bazaar merchants, have expanded day by day as more social groups join in.
The sharp devaluation of Iran’s national currency, record levels of inflation, and the absence of any clear economic outlook pushed Tehran’s bazaar merchants to shut their shops and take to the streets in protest. That long-simmering anger quickly spilled over. By Thursday night, protests on a scale not seen in at least three years were reported in cities across the country.
Internet Shutdown and Growing Uncertainty
As expected, Iranian authorities shut down internet access nationwide on Thursday evening, January 8, leaving the full scope of events inside the country unclear. However, videos circulating on social media before the blackout point to a large turnout of protesters.
“Death to Khamenei”
The slogans heard in the streets are openly political and are directed squarely at Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei. Protesters are clearly calling for an end to his 35-year rule. In a speech on January 3, Khamenei had warned that those he described as “rioters” would be dealt with. “Protesters must be talked to, but rioters must be put in their place,” he said. Yet videos from Thursday night suggest that fear of such warnings has faded. Protesters were heard chanting slogans such as, “This year is the year of blood, Kamenei will be overthrown.”
Earlier, on January 7, Iran’s judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei had also warned demonstrators that there would be no leniency this time and that harsh punishments awaited them. State-affiliated media escalated the threats on January 8 by publishing videos warning protesters that artificial intelligence technology would be used to identify voices in the streets and track down participants.
Monarchist supporters call for return of the shah
Despite these warnings, the protests have continued. The demonstrations were called by Reza Pahlavi, the son of Iran’s last shah, who has lived outside Iran since the 1979 revolution. His supporters are calling for the restoration of the monarchy and have been chanting slogans such as “Long live the Shah” and “This is the final battle, Pahlavi will return.” Supporters of the monarchy argue that returning to what they describe as Iran’s “glorious past” is the country’s only way out. Setareh, a 34-year-old fashion designer from Tehran who took part in the protests, says only Reza Pahlavi can free Iran from “the rule of the clerics.”
“We want nothing but a return to the monarchy,” she said. “Over the years, we have tried different paths and none of them worked. This time, everyone must unite around the crown prince.” During the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement three years ago, Pahlavi aligned himself with several prominent opposition figures abroad. However, on Thursday morning he removed the phrase “Woman, Life, Freedom” from his social media bio, a move that deepened suspicion among groups opposed to the monarchy.
The move triggered widespread criticism and debate on social media, though neither Pahlavi nor his supporters have publicly explained the decision. Some observers say the change, along with his adoption of the slogan “We Will Take Back Iran,” appears aimed at building a distinct political identity of his own, distancing himself from the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, whose supporters now include many of his critics.
Doubts over a leader with no political record
Critics of Pahlavi point to his lack of political or managerial experience over the past five decades and argue that he is not qualified to lead the movement. They also fear a repeat of 1979, when Ruhollah Khomeini returned from exile promising democracy, only to establish an authoritarian system. Khomeini had pledged to retreat to the religious city of Qom and stay out of governance. But once he arrived in Tehran, his rhetoric changed and a religious state was built that has systematically eliminated its opponents.
Soheil, a 29-year-old computer engineer in Tehran, says he fears history could repeat itself. “Everyone can make beautiful promises,” he said. “But once you sit in the chair of power, you forget all of them.” He also pointed to aggressive attacks—especially online—by Pahlavi supporters against all other opposition groups. “When they are already threatening everyone now,” he said, “it’s clear what kind of bloodshed they would unleash if they came to power.”
Resistance in Kurdistan and Azerbaijan
Opposition to restoring the monarchy is particularly strong in Iran’s western provinces and in regions with large ethnic minority populations. Videos from Tabriz, the capital of East Azerbaijan province, show protesters chanting slogans against both Khamenei and Reza Pahlavi. In Azerbaijani Turkish, demonstrators called both figures “dishonorable” and described their province as a “symbol of dignity.”
This resistance is linked to the right-wing nationalist views of many monarchist supporters, who often equate ethnic demands with separatism. A similar mood exists in Kurdistan province. The region, where the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement began, now fears that under a restored monarchy, Kurdish demands could be sidelined even more than they are under the Islamic Republic.
Anger at an all-time high
Observers warn that divisions among Iran’s opposition could ultimately benefit the clerical establishment by weakening focus on the shared goal of overthrowing the Islamic Republic. Some also fear that rising tensions could fuel separatist tendencies in regions such as Kurdistan and Azerbaijan.
Public anger in Iran now appears deeper than at any point since anti-government protests first began. Unlike previous waves, where political slogans took time to emerge, chants of “Death to Khamenei” are now heard immediately in cities both large and small.
Still, some analysts caution that without clear leadership on the ground to define strategy for the next phases, the government—which has repeatedly crushed protests in the past—may find it easier to regain control. The nationwide internet shutdown has cut nearly all communication between Iran and the outside world, severely disrupting coordination, calls for future protests, and strategic planning. At the same time, the blackout may enable the authorities to intensify repression and deter protesters through greater violence.
Yet voices from inside Iran repeatedly return to one word: hope. Many believe this time the unfinished task will be completed. Sahar, a 65-year-old who witnessed the 1979 revolution firsthand, said, “What I see now is the closest thing to what led up to that revolution.” She added, “This anger can no longer be stopped. They are on their way out.”
Further reading: Iran is on the edge of revolution]
Saeid Jafari is an Iranian journalist and Middle East analyst based in Rome
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