My first reaction on hearing of the ceasefire was relief and then disbelief. Relief because the suffering has gone on for far too long. Disbelief though because there have been ceasefires before that failed.
There is little trust between Hamas and Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, and the underlying forces at the root of this conflict have not been addressed. Netanyahu and his desperate need to stay in power remain, as does Hamas with their extremist belief in a cause that, in their mind, justifies the terror they wage on.
These forces, unless they are countered, could easily destroy this delicate ceasefire. For two years, with mounting horror, we have seen more than 2,000 Israelis and 67,000 Palestinians killed, including 20,000 children. It has been one of the deadliest conflicts for journalists, health and aid workers in history.
The pain of the hostage families who have spent two years fighting for the return of their loved ones is incalculable. And in Palestine, I have Gazan friends who have lost their entire families. Some families – with 50 or 60 members – were killed overnight. Those who survived are only now able to start processing what they’ve lost. According to the UN, 92 per cent of residential buildings in Gaza have been damaged or destroyed. Each pile of rubble is itself a metaphor for Palestinians’ hopes and dreams for the future and their children.
Finally, there may be a real chance that the tides of hell could ebb. We should not be churlish here. Donald Trump has played a key role in bringing pressure to bear both on Netanyahu and, via Arab regional partners, Hamas to get to this point. The test will now be sustaining this pressure on both sides and moving beyond a ceasefire towards securing a lasting peace.
But let us be clear. Trump’s 20–point “Peace Plan” is not a plan, nor is the absence of war any kind of peace. It lacks detail, with many difficult issues left ambiguous and unresolved. True peace will be secured when we see two peoples living side by side in security and dignity in viable, secure states of Israel and Palestine. This vision is shared by the majority of the international community. Quite rightly, people are asking, “What now?”
The immediate step we must see is the massive upscaling of aid supplies into Gaza, where there are swathes of men, women and children starving and at risk, if not already in a state, of famine. Under international law, Israel is obligated both to bring in aid, and to abide by the ceasefire agreement. I am concerned that Netanyahu has halved the number of aid trucks allowed into Gaza and the Rafah crossing was not opened, as it was planned to, on 14 October.
The Palestinian Authority has said it is ready to operate the crossing. I hope and expect to see Israel allow them to do so. All other crossing points should also be reopened immediately. Hamas must also return all remaining bodies of the Israeli hostages killed in captivity without delay.
The fragile ceasefire is already under threat, and it will take long-term commitment and diplomatic engagement from all actors in the region – and the international community – to ensure this is not yet another false dawn for ending the cycle of violence.
We have to fan the flame of hope. We must ensure immediate plans to secure the postwar governance of Gaza, in which Hamas should have no role, are made manifest. A lasting peace will only succeed if Palestinian voices are at the forefront of governance of Gaza.
So far Trump’s plan has been imposed with no input from Palestinians.
Much will now ride on the success of the Board of Peace. I have discerned from conversations that I have had with Palestinians and others in the region that there is scepticism over the role that Tony Blair has in this, given his legacy in Iraq and his time as Middle East envoy, which is widely regarded as a failure. The Liberal Democrats have called on Blair to give evidence in parliament on his discussions with the Trump administration. We are committed to hold him to account as we have done before. I judge people by their actions not their words, and it is fair to say that Blair’s contribution to peace in the Middle East so far has been negative. He would do well to step down gracefully, because we can’t afford to get this wrong.
I would also urge the UK government to not underplay its hand. The recent recognition of the State of Palestine, which Keir Starmer has credited with bringing about pressure to help secure a ceasefire, should be seen as an initial step to securing peace – something that is long overdue. It was a promise made to my great-grandfather and his community in Jerusalem, and as the first British MP of Palestinian descent, I have laid a bill in parliament on recognition every year since I was elected in 2017.
The UK has started to escape the shadow of the Balfour Declaration and clawed back some credibility with Palestinians, while also remaining a friend of the US and Israel. There are very few countries in the world that can claim to have achieved both. But recognition was always just the first step. There is so much more to be done.
I pray that this will be the case. There has been enough death, enough destruction. But I am not naive. I know this centuries-old conflict will need far more than summits and photo opportunities to end it, but that will only be possible if both sides and the international community puts their shoulders to the wheel of peace. We must all do our bit – and then some.
[Further reading: The living hostages have returned, but Israel is divided]
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