World 30 July 2012 Britain must defend Burma's Muslim Rohingyas The abuse of the Rohingyas by the Burmese government is a human rights catastrophe. Sign up for our weekly email * Print HTML The past year has seen impressive progress in Burma – the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of political prisoners, preliminary ceasefires with many ethnic minorities in Burma and the first elections in 20 years which saw pro-democracy candidates elected to parliament. Alongside this internal progress, international progress is being made with sanctions being suspended and political relationships starting to form, not least with an invitation from Prime Minister David Cameron to Burma’s President Thein Sein to visit the UK later this year. Burma’s President Thein Sein has been working hard to convince the world his government is changing. Yet this story of progress and reform hides a far more complex and troubling truth. Burma is taking some initial, fragile steps towards democratisation, but there is still a very, very long way to go. Several hundred political prisoners remain in jail, a brutal war continues many ethnic minorities including the predominantly Christian Kachin people in northern Burma, and there are still systematic human rights abuses – civilians in Kachin talk of forced labour, torture and extra judicial killings and at least 75,000 people have been forcibly displaced. And there is the tragedy that is the plight of the Muslim Rohingyas. In June, a devastating cycle of violence spiralled out of control in Arakan State in western Burma. Sparked by the rape and murder of a Buddhist Rakhine woman allegedly by Muslim Rohingyas, decades of racial and religious hatred erupted into several weeks of sectarian violence in which hundreds were killed, dozens of villages torched and at least 90,000 people displaced. Both communities committed violence, but the Rohingyas were the primary victims. The effects were seen far wider than Arakan State. Throughout Burma, and among Burmese exiled communities abroad, including in the UK, blatant and shocking anti-Muslim racism came to the fore with threats against Rohingyas as well as those who campaign for them and crude comments on social media depicting the Rohingyas as “Bengalis” and “terrorists”. Back in Burma, as the violence subsided, the security forces began a violent crackdown going house to house arresting Rohingyas who have now seemingly disappeared without charge and without trial. Those who could flee had nowhere to run except the jungle. Those who could not flee faced jail or death. This is a human rights and humanitarian catastrophe in the making. Underlying this entire issue is the question of citizenship. The Rohingyas have lived in Burma for generations, but under the 1982 Citizenship Law they are not recognised as citizens. The Burmese government, and many in Burmese society, describe them as “illegal immigrants”. For years, they have faced severe restrictions on marriage, movement, education and religion in Burma, because they are deemed “foreigners”. They are among the most persecuted, marginalised people in the world. Bangladesh, however, will not take them either. Although an estimated 200,000 Rohingya refugees have lived in dire conditions along the Bangladesh-Burma border for years, Bangladesh refuses to give sanctuary to any more. Those fleeing the current crisis have been turned back from the border, sent to face an uncertain fate. Those who have escaped from Burma on boats have been turned away from Bangladesh’s shores, often to die in stormy seas or be shot at by Burmese troops. In early July, President Thein Sein escalated the crisis even further, by reportedly telling the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees that his government will not recognise them. On the same day Britain opened a trade office in Naypyidaw and the US lifted sanctions, Thein Sein wanted to hand the entire ethnic group to the UNHCR to look after until they could be resettled in a third country. He described the 800,000 Rohingyas in Burma as “a threat to national security”. There is an urgent need for international pressure on President Thein Sein, to repeal the 1982 Citizenship Law and introduce a new law that is based on international norms and human rights. No one born in Burma should be denied citizenship. No ethnic group should be written off as “a threat to national security”. Such racial and religious intolerance is unacceptable. The British government must make this issue a priority. If Burma is to become a truly free nation, with all the responsibilities and benefits that come with that, it must respect human rights for all its people. Britain must push for open access for humanitarian aid and human rights monitors to all areas of Burma, the release of all political prisoners and for an immediate stop to the violence and persecution - including rewriting the Citizenship Law. Without this, the process of reform and reconciliation in Burma cannot move forward. › Alan White's Olympics diary: Great sport, with a faint air of the ridiculous The Rohingyas have lived in Burma for generations, but under the 1982 Citizenship Law they are not recognised as citizens. Photograph: Getty Images. Rushanara Ali is Labour MP for Bethnal Green and Bow and member of the Parliamentary Select Committee for Communities and Local Government. 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Show Hide image Brexit 8 January 2018 Yes, we leave the EU customs union after Brexit. That doesn’t mean we can do without one Labour believes the option of the UK forming a customs union with the European Union should be kept on the table. Sign up to the Staggers Morning Call email * Print HTML Though months have passed since the Prime Minister triggered Article 50, guaranteeing our exit from the European Union, many fundamental questions about the UK’s future relationship with the world remain. The Government has tabled two pieces of legislation that are designed to set the framework for our future trading relationship with other countries, both due to be debated this week. Just as with the EU (Withdrawal) Bill, these amount to a vast power-grab by Ministers, who will effectively ‘take control’ from parliament should they proceed uncontested. This is particularly evidenced in the Bill to create a customs framework. Due to this Government’s chaotic negotiations with the EU to date, any framework that we put in place to deal with the flow of goods across our borders will have to respond to every eventuality from the Brexit talks. This includes a no deal scenario, a free trade agreement or the UK forming a customs union with the EU. Labour recognises that there is a need for the UK to have a framework in place to create a customs and tariff regime irrespective of the outcome of the Brexit talks. However, we are wholly opposed to yet another power grab from an increasingly chaotic and divided Conservative Government. The British people did not vote ‘to take powers’ back from Brussels only to hand them over to unaccountable ministers and civil servants in Whitehall. That is why we want to ensure that any future UK customs regime must be answerable to Parliament, which will have the final say over the setting of tariffs. The imposition or lowering of tariffs has the power to kill off or promote whole sectors of the economy. Such power should not be left in the hands of Liam Fox and Philip Hammond, who would oversee a race to the bottom by cutting wages and workplace rights, and destroying what is left of the UK’s manufacturing base. Instead it must be used responsibly and be subject to proper Parliamentary oversight, which is why Labour will ensure that any proposed changes to tariffs must be voted on by the House of Commons. A nightmare scenario of gridlock at UK ports and lorry queues stretching as far as the eye can see must be avoided at all costs. Yet this Government still continues to do Brexit on the cheap and refuses to fully fund and resource Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs, despite the ambitious target of a fully operational customs system by early 2019. We will continue to press the Government to increase HMRC’s resources and staff to ensure frictionless movement of goods at UK ports. Of course, much of our future customs and tariff regime will be dependent on the outcome of the Brexit negotiations. However, it is completely nonsensical for the Government to be limiting itself and closing off options at such an early stage. It is stating a legal fact to say that when the UK leaves the European Union, we will also be leaving the EU Customs Union. But Labour believes the option of the UK forming a customs union with the European Union should be kept on the table as a possible end destination. This would meet the objectives of ensuring frictionless movement of goods trade, putting UK jobs and the economy first, as well as respecting the result of the referendum. The EU is not the only customs union in the world. Several other customs unions already operate globally and more are in the pipeline, with negotiations currently taking place in the Middle East, parts of Africa and between New Zealand and Australia. The Southern African Customs Union is the oldest in the world, comprising Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa and Swaziland. Mercosur has ensured the fluid moment of goods between South American countries since the early 1990s. And the Caribbean Community has similarly provided for frictionless trade across the Caribbean since 1973. None of the above provide a blueprint for the UK’s future relationship with the EU. Clearly customs unions are ordinarily designed to address trade in goods, while the negotiations towards a new UK-EU relationship must also address trade in services, cross-border government procurement, regulatory equivalence and a host of other issues. Yet merchandise trade is still hugely important, and a new customs arrangement will be essential if we are to avoid the chaos of border tailbacks as soon as we leave the EU. The complexities of the negotiations on the UK’s future relationship with the EU are all too clear, that is why we need a government that will be bold and imaginative. Instead, the Conservatives have shown themselves to be feckless and unwilling to meet the gravity of the task at hand. Woefully divided, they are hell bent on stealing more powers from Parliament to give to themselves. Make no mistake, Labour will continue to fight these attempts to degrade and devalue our democracy. We have set out the principles underpinning what we would like to see achieved from the negotiations with the EU, and we will press the Conservatives further to demand that this country gets a deal that works for the many and not just a privileged few. Peter Dowd is the Shadow Chief Secretary and the Labour MP for Bootle. 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