Is Argentina allowed to seize YPF?

Argentina's expropriation of its former state oil company attracted international condemnation - but

Argentina's expropriation of 51 per cent of the shares of YPF, the formerly state-owned oil company, has generated almost universal criticism.  Indeed, Antonio Brufau, Repsol’s executive chairman, has labelled Argentina’s action as “manifestly illegal and gravely discriminatory”, and has emphasised Repsol’s intention to use international arbitration to gain proper compensation if it is not freely offered by Argentina. Such language is undoubtedly useful for Repsol as a means of generating support for its position, but an examination of precisely what international law says about expropriation is illuminating as to the potential losses that Repsol now faces.

Whether or not Argentina’s action violates international law is an important question for Repsol, as the standard of compensation differs for legal and illegal expropriations. Consequently, if Repsol can establish that Argentina has violated international law it potentially stands to gain considerably greater compensation than if the law has been observed.

It is important to note, however, that expropriations are not inherently illegal under international law. The ability to take property from private entities is simply one of the benefits of being a state. The important question, then, is whether Argentina has adhered to the applicable standards in performing the expropriation. Currently available information suggests that it has.

Firstly, an expropriation must be undertaken for a public purpose. Argentina’s expressed goal of regaining national energy self-sufficiency and ensuring the viability of an important industry clearly satisfies this requirement, and there is as yet no indication of any alternative motive.

Secondly, the expropriation must be non-discriminatory. If, for example, the Argentine government had taken Repsol’s shares in YPF and redistributed them to a private Argentine entity, Repsol may have been able to argue discrimination. Such an action would have indicated that Repsol’s foreign nationality was a motivating factor in the expropriation. However, the expropriated shares are being retained in government hands, YPF’s remaining shareholders include other foreign entities, and Argentina has offered plausible arguments as to why YPF’s performance was insufficient for the needs of the country. Absent new evidence, then, Repsol will have difficulty substantiating its allegation that the expropriation is "discriminatory".

Thirdly, the expropriation must be performed in accordance with due process of law. Argentina is undertaking the expropriation through the passage of legislation and there has been no accusation that Repsol will be deprived of any legal rights it has to challenge the expropriation in Argentine courts. Consequently, there is no current evidence that Argentina is violating this requirement.

Finally, an appropriate level of compensation must be paid for any expropriated property. This is the point on which the greatest uncertainty remains, as the Argentine government has not yet stated how much compensation it intends to pay to Repsol. Moreover, there are clear political pressures within Argentina to minimise the amount of compensation that Repsol receives. If Argentina bows to these pressures, and offers Repsol an amount indefensible as an estimate of the market value of the company, it will likely be found to have acted illegally. However, the efforts that have so far been made by Argentina’s representatives to link lowered compensation payments to such things as potential hidden debts and environmental liabilities indicates that Argentina is well aware of this issue, and is unlikely to propose an amount of compensation that is not at least facially plausible as a market valuation of the expropriated shares.

Of course, while it is important for Argentina that its actions be found to be legal, simple legality will not protect it from all the potential negative consequences of such a prominent expropriation. Perceptions matter in attracting foreign investment, and Argentina will need significant foreign investment if it is to achieve its goal of a return to energy self-sufficiency. For this reason, as attractive as it may be to the Argentine government to minimise the compensation it offers to Repsol, this is unlikely to be in Argentina’s long-term best interest. A single act of expropriation is unlikely to deter foreign investors, even when it is as large as Argentina’s expropriation of YPF. However, a perception that the Argentine government will not treat foreign investors fairly will deter them, and any indication that the government is more interested in minimizing the compensation it pays to Repsol than in fixing a fair price for Repsol’s shares in YPF will have precisely that effect. In the long term, such a valuation may well cost Argentina more money than it saves.

The second part of this post can now be found here.

View at sunset of the port next to the gas plant of YPF in Buenos Aires. Photograph: Getty Images

Tony Cole is a senior lecturer at Brunel Law School

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Jeremy Corbyn supporters should stop excusing Labour’s anti-immigration drift

The Labour leader is a passionate defender of migrants’ rights – Brexit shouldn’t distract the new left movement from that.

Something strange is happening on the British left – a kind of deliberate collective amnesia. During the EU referendum, the overwhelming majority of the left backed Remain.

Contrary to a common myth, both Jeremy Corbyn and the movement behind him put their weight into a campaign that argued forcefully for internationalism, migrants’ rights and regulatory protections.

And yet now, as Labour’s policy on Brexit hardens, swathes of the left appear to be embracing Lexit, and a set of arguments which they would have laughed off stage barely a year ago.

The example of free movement is glaring and obvious, but worth rehashing. When Labour went into the 2017 general election promising to end free movement with the EU, it did so with a wider election campaign whose tone was more pro-migrant than any before it.

Nonetheless, the policy itself, along with restricting migrants’ access to public funds, stood in a long tradition of Labour triangulating to the right on immigration for electorally calculated reasons. When Ed Miliband promised “tough controls on immigration”, the left rightly attacked him.  

The result of this contradiction is that those on the left who want to agree unequivocally with the leadership must find left-wing reasons for doing so. And so, activists who have spent years declaring their solidarity with migrants and calling for a borderless world can now be found contemplating ways for the biggest expansion of border controls in recent British history – which is what the end of free movement would mean – to seem progressive, or like an opportunity.

The idea that giving ground to migrant-bashing narratives or being harsher on Poles might make life easier for non-EU migrants was rightly dismissed by most left-wing activists during the referendum.

Now, some are going quiet or altering course.

On the Single Market, too, neo-Lexit is making a comeback. Having argued passionately in favour of membership, both the Labour leadership and a wider layer of its supporters now argue – to some extent or another – that only by leaving the Single Market could Labour implement a manifesto.

This is simply wrong: there is very little in Labour’s manifesto that does not have an already-existing precedent in continental Europe. In fact, the levers of the EU are a key tool for clamping down on the power of big capital.

In recent speeches, Corbyn has spoken about the Posted Workers’ Directive – but this accounts for about 0.17 per cent of the workforce, and is about to be radically reformed by the European Parliament.

The dangers of this position are serious. If Labour’s leadership takes the path of least resistance on immigration policy and international integration, and its support base rationalises these compromises uncritically, then the logic of the Brexit vote – its borders, its affirmation of anti-migrant narratives, its rising nationalist sentiment – will be mainlined into Labour Party policy.

Socialism in One Country and a return to the nation state cannot work for the left, but they are being championed by the neo-Lexiteers. In one widely shared blogpost on Novara Media, one commentator even goes as far as alluding to Britain’s Road to Socialism – the official programme of the orthodox Communist Party.

The muted and supportive reaction of Labour’s left to the leadership’s compromises on migration and Brexit owes much to the inept positioning of the Labour right. Centrists may gain personal profile and factional capital when the weaponising the issue, but the consequences have been dire.

Around 80 per cent of Labour members still want a second referendum, and making himself the “stop Brexit” candidate could in a parallel universe have been Owen Smith’s path to victory in the second leadership election.

But it meant that in the summer of 2016, when the mass base of Corbynism hardened its factional resolve, it did so under siege not just from rebelling MPs, but from the “Remoaners” as well.

At every juncture, the strategy of the centrist Labour and media establishment has made Brexit more likely. Every time a veteran of the New Labour era – many of whom have appalling records on, for instance, migrants’ rights – tells Labour members to fight Brexit, party members run a mile.

If Tony Blair’s messiah complex was accurate, he would have saved us all a long time ago – by shutting up and going away. The atmosphere of subterfuge and siege from MPs and the liberal press has, by necessity, created a culture of loyalty and intellectual conformity on the left.

But with its position in the party unassailable, and a radical Labour government within touching distance of Downing Street, the last thing the Labour leadership now needs is a wave of Corbynite loyalty-hipsters hailing its every word.

As the history of every attempt to form a radical government shows, what we desperately need is a movement with its own internal democratic life, and an activist army that can push its leaders as well as deliver leaflets for them.

Lexit is no more possible now than it was during the EU referendum, and the support base of the Labour left and the wider party is overwhelmingly in favour of free movement and EU membership.

Jeremy Corbyn, John McDonnell and Diane Abbott are passionate, principled advocates for migrants’ rights and internationalism. By showing leadership, Labour can once again change what is electorally possible.