Show Hide image Asia 16 December 2014 How India’s Dalit women are being empowered to fight endemic sexual violence The conviction rate for rape cases by India’s “untouchable” women stands at 2 per cent, compared to 24 per cent for women in general. However, they are starting to fight back. Print HTML Today marks the second anniversary of the brutal gang-rape of a young woman on a Delhi bus. After the heat generated by it began to fade away, activists and commentators raised the unanswered and, in some ways, unanswerable question of why this particular case had set India alight when sexual violence against women, especially Dalit (the new term for Untouchable) women, is rampant. However, what it did do was open up a space and a consciousness which focused media attention on the issue, empowered more women to come forward, took away some of the shame that led to under-reporting and led to a raft of legal changes in rape legislation. It is doubtful whether the infamous Badaun case of the two Dalit girls who hung themselves after being raped by upper-caste men, the facts of which are now muddied by counterclaims, would have had the exposure in the Western media that it had without the interest generated by the Delhi case. However, the conviction rate for rape cases brought by Dalit women stands at an appallingly low 2 per cent as compared to 24 per cent for women in general. One organisation, Jan Sahas (People’s Courage), which represents Dalit women who work mainly as manual scavengers (cleaning dry toilets with their bare hands) has bucked the trend by raising the conviction rate from 2 to 38 per cent. Their director, Ashif Shaikh, was in London recently to pick up an award from the Stars Foundation for liberating more than 14,000 women from scavenging. He spoke about the innovative methods used by his organisation to improve access to justice for raped women. Jan Sahas set up its own network of 350 lawyers, the Progressive Lawyers Forum, to provide legal support in over 5000 cases of atrocity, which included nearly 1,000 cases of rape against mainly Dalit women across six states in 2013, to counter the corruption of the public prosecution system. Lawyers earn 150 rupees per case (£1.50), low even by Indian standards, a payment rate that attracts incompetent individuals who are infinitely susceptible to bribes of 10-15,000 rupees (£100-£150) offered by the generally upper-caste families of the accused to scupper the case. Jan Sahas has also trained 200 female survivors of sexual violence as “barefoot lawyers” to support victims currently going through the criminal justice system. Many of them are illiterate and do not know their rights. They face tremendous pressure from family members not to pursue the case either because of the stigma attached to it or because the family has been paid off by the accused, pressure from the wider community/village, pressure from the accused and the police. Shaikh explained the kinds of delays and frustrations faced by women who persist despite these pressures. Jan Sahas is trying to develop medical protocols in dealing with rape victims which are non-existent in most states. This results in women facing any of the following: the two-finger medical test to ascertain whether women are virgins as a way of discrediting rape accusations which was banned post the Delhi case but is still practiced in the regions; medics who do not want to get involved in a legal case will not examine a woman on their shift which sometimes leave them waiting for up to 40 hours, so weakening their medical case; or medical students are taught not to get involved in such cases because these women are likely to end up “accusing them of rape”. Where the police are concerned, the litany includes: police disbelief of women’s claims; police rape of raped women because they are seen as “loose”; careless and erroneous police statements which will lead to the judge throwing out the case; bribes to quash the investigation; not lodging an FIR (First Information Report), an important first step in starting the legal process and investigation, and which is mandatory in allegations of rape. Instead the police will record it in their daily diary (rojnamcha) which has no legal status and distorts rape statistics but satisfies an illiterate woman that action is being taken. The transfer of a case from the rojnamcha to FIR status will only happen where pressure is being brought on the police. That is where Jan Sahas steps in. They empower women through a three day training programme which includes role play in a mock courtroom to understand the legal process. When women are empowered in this way to become leaders and advocates for themselves and others, a model that Jan Sahas has borrowed from its campaign to liberate scavengers, it produces unprecedented results. The untouchability of Dalits is so etched in Indian cultural attitudes that separate utensils are kept in caste-Hindu households for Dalits. Although rape is an act of violence, misogyny and male power, and although men everywhere can overcome other hatreds such as racism towards black women slaves, it is nonetheless staggering that men who fear defilement through less intimate forms of “touch” think nothing of flushing themselves into the bodies of Dalit women. › The danger of ideology-based newspaper coverage of climate change More Related articles Curry in crisis, Bollywood bored of London: how India’s perceptions of Britain are changing The Indian political cartoonist the government doesn't want you to know about Fresh evidence suggests China’s ancient mythical Great Flood might have actually happened Subscription offer 12 issues for £12 + FREE book LEARN MORE Close This week’s magazine
Show Hide image US 18 November 2016 Donald Trump's success is built on the ruins of the Third Way The left needs to find a way past the legacy of the Clinton and Blair era to form a coalition capable of winning back working-class voters. Print HTML "Their world is collapsing. Ours is being built.” – Florian Philippot, a strategist for France’s Front National tweeted on the day of the US presidential election. The collapse in the Democratic Party vote shows the bankruptcy of their strategy: the time of the Third Way has come to an end. With decades of political experience and the enthusiastic backing of media and economic elites on both coasts, Hillary Clinton was the perfect candidate for the Democratic platform. Previous setbacks — her loss to Obama in 2008, Benghazi, the email server — had since been turned to her advantage: Clinton turned out the Southern vote to defeat Bernie Sanders in the primaries, outwitted her partisan opponents during 11 hours of Congressional hearings, and finally brought the FBI to heel. Hillary’s “Lean In” feminism and multicultural appeal were perfectly attuned to her economic and political platform, as advertised in the speeches to Goldman Sachs. The Democratic Party’s 1% — open to applications from all — was poised to smash the glass ceiling of the 0.1%. Explanations that focus on Hillary’s “unlikeability”, or the idea that the US wasn’t ready to elect a woman, obscure more than they reveal — Trump’s favourability ratings were considerably lower, and yet his vote held up by comparison with Romney’s in 2012. That sexism and racism were significant factors in Trump’s support is undeniable — they energised his base, and he gained more from stepping up his attacks than he lost in female or minority votes. But the sexism of his electorate was not Hillary’s problem, as her highly paid political operatives were well aware: it worked in her favour as the Democratic candidate, which is why the Democratic National Committee chose to elevate the “pied piper” candidacies of Trump, Cruz and Carson. Hillary’s problem is that she lost about four million votes from Obama’s 2012 total, while Trump almost matched Romney’s haul. The Obama coalition, already substantially reduced since 2008, fell apart under Clinton. After the 2008 financial crisis, the first popular reaction in the US was the Tea Party, followed three years later on the left by Occupy Wall Street. Despite its inherent contradictions — “Keep Government Out of My Medicare” — right-wing populism in the US started earlier than its left-wing counterpart, and effectively targeted the electoral system: providing many of the votes that cost Obama control of the House in 2010, and taking state and city offices across the South. Trump didn’t invent this coalition, he inherited it — and then poured petrol onto its flames at every rally. That he only managed to match Romney’s vote should have provided an opportunity for the left. Donald Trump paid close attention to the Bernie Sanders primary campaign, as did the increasingly alarmed leadership of the Democratic Party. The DNC, watching Bernie turn out new voters across the rustbelt and the Midwest, chose to neutralise the ageing firebrand they held responsible. Once they’d done so, the way was clear for Trump to borrow from Sanders’ speeches and turn his arguments against Clinton. The presidency was lost in Iowa, Ohio, Maine, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, North Carolina, and Florida, all of which swung from Democrat to Republican, in most cases with a similar or reduced turnout from 2012 (Florida had a much higher turnout). Of those states, Bernie had won Wisconsin’s primary and Maine’s caucus. In elevating the pied pipers of the right, while attacking the “unrealistic” demands of the left, the Democratic Party leadership created the conditions for its own defeat. The tragedy of the Sanders story is not that he should have beaten Clinton, or that he would have won the election if he had — though both are true — but that he was then fated to stump for Hillary in the electoral wasteland that remained, while Trump stole his best lines. Trump’s approach to the question of party loyalty — threatening a third-party run if the Republican National Committee opposed him — would have spelled the end of Sanders’ campaign. And yet Republican Party disarray, which allowed Trump to repeatedly buck against the leadership and led to open warfare in the weeks before the vote, has been rewarded with all three branches of government. Party discipline used to be regarded as a prerequisite for authoritarian government. In this election, Democratic Party discipline was its undoing, and Republican Party chaos helped Trump to sweep into power. Labour Party grandees, pressuring Corbyn to step down in the interests of party unity, seem keen to follow the same script. The early indications are that the American left is gearing up for a sustained, extra-parliamentary opposition: forming new coalitions and planning campaigns to oppose every Trump measure, from Inauguration Day onwards. Anti-deportation actions are likely to be an initial focus, as Trump contemplates overturning Obama’s DACA executive order, which granted a temporary reprieve to three quarters of a million “Dreamer” immigrants. Black Lives Matter is sending activists to Standing Rock to fight the Dakota Access Pipeline, alongside the Sioux and a vibrant coalition of environmental organisations and anarchists. The Movement for Black Lives has shown that it can unite dozens of different groups around a wide-ranging manifesto. The current, hysterical reaction of US liberals in the media is nothing more than an expression of bad conscience: those who failed to oppose Obama’s abuses of executive power — drone wars, assassinations and deportations, jailing whistleblowers rather than Wall Street — can now see that they’ve strengthened Trump’s hand. While there is little agreement about the future of the Democratic Party, there does seem to be a widespread acceptance of the need to build a range of new political organisations outside it. The coalition needed — pro-immigrant and anti-austerity, in defense of workers’ rights and the welfare state, addressing the ecological crisis — is the same one that’s needed to oppose the new right in the UK and Europe. Florian Philippot’s quote should strike a chill into all of us — the right has been building on the ruins of the Third Way for years. Now it is time for the left. Jacob Stevens is the Managing Director of Verso Books More Related articles The bluster and blunder that birthed a new political era Donald Trump is literally shameless. That will make it impossible to hold him to account “Make America White Again”: how US racial politics led to the election of Donald Trump Subscription offer 12 issues for £12 + FREE book LEARN MORE Close This week’s magazine