Beware of the blog

Boris underestimated the web

When Boris Johnson was elected as London's mayor last year, the Evening Standard had openly campaigned for him, and there seemed little for the Conservatives to fear in either the local or the national press. Boris cycled in to City Hall with all the self-confidence of the most powerful Tory in Britain.

But then the Standard was sold to a Russian billionaire who promised a shift to the centre ground and ran an ad campaign apologising for previous bias. The Guardian increased its London coverage and many new left-wing bloggers began to emerge. The mayor was faced with an ever less Tory media.

When I started my own blog last year, I was surprised by the lack of London political news coverage. Outside elections, London government had been largely ignored. Only one blog, Mayorwatch.co.uk, reported on City Hall. Even the right, dominant online nationally, was all but extinct in the capital.

In fact, what little attention right-wing bloggers have paid to Boris has been critical. ConservativeHome claims to represent Tory activists, but in practice acts as a pressure group for the party's right. It has not escaped bloggers' notice that Boris, as mayor of one of the world's most diverse cities, has been more keen to mollify the left than to further a hardline Tory agenda.

Recently this has led to open confrontation between Boris's administration and the right wing of his party. It started with a blog post by the ConservativeHome owner, Stephan Shakespeare. "Real problems are not solved - in fact, there's not even a discernible attempt to solve them," he wrote. A series of posts by the Tory councillor and Daily Mail writer Harry Phibbs followed, criticising Boris for failing to sack "diversity officers" at City Hall.

Boris's deputy mayor Richard Barnes then told the Guardian that Phibbs did not "represent the Conservative Party that David Cameron is promoting across this country". In response, Phibbs accused Boris's team of "seeking to ingratiate themselves" with "the Livingstonian blogosphere".

This exchange underlines how Boris has refused to depart too far from the agenda of his predecessor. London is a diverse and liberal city, and any mayor would have to act accordingly; however, this only goes some way to explaining the city's political shifts.

Early on in his administration, Boris cancelled the weekly press conferences held by Ken Livingstone, inviting hand-picked journalists to stage-managed "policy launches" instead. But attempts to co-ordinate his press coverage have had unexpected results. Starved of access to the mayor, reporters have looked elsewhere for their scoops. Over the past year, more and more stories originating from the London blogosphere have made their way into the mainstream media.

Wading through committee papers, attending Assembly meetings and building up relationships with insiders, bloggers have broken many of the stories that have dogged Boris's first year. His use of taxis, his advisers' expenses, his broken promises on rape crisis centres, have all gone on to make headlines.

The London left is succeeding online by setting the news agenda. It remains to be seen how the left can replicate that nationally. But Cameron, like Boris, cannot take the support of his party for granted. In London, the Tories' electoral success has provoked a resurgence from the left, but also restlessness among those on the right of their own party.

London's changing political landscape has created both difficulties for the Tories and opportunities for their opponents. These opportunities may soon be taken up at a national level.

Adam Bienkov blogs at Torytroll.blogspot.com

Adam Bienkov is a blogger and journalist covering London politics and the Mayoralty. He blogs mostly at AdamBienkov.com

This article first appeared in the 21 September 2009 issue of the New Statesman, Citizen Ken

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times