The Brown bounce

Tactical Briefing

From: The Unit

To: GB

Subject: Loyalty Pledge

So, pretty good week. Think we can ignore the mini-bounce we got from what was definitely the speech of your life. What we need to focus on is the massive opportunities afforded us by the ongoing economic crisis.

Think for possibly too long we have been focusing on what we can change about you to make people like you. By now, however, it has become pretty much certain that there is nothing you could ever do or say that is going to get people to warm to you. What we can perhaps do is change the nature of the world, if not the nature of reality itself, to make people feel your premiership is, at least, the least bad option available.

This is where the economic collapse comes in. Very much feel here that we need to take ownership of the financial crisis. We must, frankly (and this is not a wish, but an objective observation), hope it doesn't peter out too soon. Because the potential collapse of market mechanisms in liberal democracies holds out a number of political and presentational opportunities for us - so long as society can remain roughly intact and we do not regress to become scattered bands of sewer-dwelling rat-eaters.

The conceptual leap we have to persuade the voters to make is to believe that we were doing everything completely right. But then, for reasons totally unrelated to our stewardship of the economy and financial system, everything went totally wrong - and at such a level of magnitude that it would be collective national insanity to consider changing leaders, because you are the only person who has any clue what is going on.

A recent focus grouper compared you to an incompetent, grumpy and dismissive mechanic to whom they nevertheless felt they had to keep returning - because no one else could fathom the various eccentric solutions this arrogant and unfriendly service provider had previously improvised to keep the car moving. If we could get you seen in a similar light by a majority of the British public, this would obviously be a dream scenario.

Now, as regards the climate of opinion with reference to a leadership challenge. As suggested, we've been making anonymous calls claiming to be the authors of a plot against you in order to gauge how advanced plans are for any move.

The very good news to report is that almost everyone, from cabinet level down, was very excited to be contacted by us! They assumed that we were beginning to organise the movement and started to suggest code words for the "operation", secret passwords they had been mulling over, and favoured venues, seating plans and lighting settings for coup summits. But what became clear from this massive outpouring of hostility was that, as yet, no actual conspiracy seems to exist. Result!

Let us know your thoughts.

This article first appeared in the 29 September 2008 issue of the New Statesman, The crash of 2008

Photo: Dan Kitwood/Getty Images
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Conservative disunity is not all good news for Labour

The Tory leadership election could squeeze Labour out of the conversation, just like Blair and Brown did to the Tories.

The first test of opposition politics is relevance. Other key yardsticks - political plausibility, economic credibility, setting the agenda and developing a governing vision - all matter greatly. But making yourself a central part of the relentless cycle of daily politics, the terms of which are generally set by the governing party, is the first hurdle. It matters not whether you sign up to new politics or old: be relevant or wither. 

The issue of relevance is becoming a pressing issue for Labour. Take George Osborne’s favoured issue of the so-called national living wage.  Leave to one side the rights, wrongs and nuances of the policy and just consider the basic political dynamic it creates.  Osborne has, quite deliberately, set up a rolling five year argument over a steadily rising wage floor. On one side, is the Chancellor arguing that his policy is the right thing for Britain’s ranks of low paid workers. Pitted against him are ranks of chief executives of low-paying big business. With each impending hike they will holler at Osborne to go no further and the media will happily amplify the row. In response the Chancellor will quietly smile.

Sure, on occasions this will be uncomfortable stance for Mr Osborne (and if the economy takes a downward turn then his pledge will become incredible; there are always big risks with bold strokes).  Yet the dominant argument between the Conservatives and big business leaves Labour largely voiceless on an issue which for generations it has viewed as its own.

We may well see a similar dynamic in relation to the new national infrastructure commission – another idea that Osborne has plundered form Labour’s 2015 manifesto. It’s far too early to say what will come of its work looking at proposals for major new transport and energy projects (though those asserting it will just be a talking shop would do well not to under-estimate Andrew Adonis, its first Chair). But there is one thing we can already be confident about: the waves of argument it will generate between Osborne’s activist commissioners and various voices of conservatism. Every big infrastructure proposal will have noisy opponents, many residing on the right of British politics. On the issue of the future of the nation’s infrastructure – another touchstone theme for Labour – the opposition may struggle to get heard amid the din.

Or take the different and, for the government, highly exposing issue of cuts to tax credits. Here the emerging shape of the debate is between Osborne on one side and the Sun, Boris Johnson, various independent minded Conservative voices and economic think-tanks on the other. Labour will, of course, repeatedly and passionately condemn these cuts. But so have plenty of others and, for now at least, they are more colourful or credible (or both).  

The risk for the opposition is that a new rhythm of politics is established. Where the ideological undercurrent of the government steers it too far right, other voices not least those within the Conservative family - moderates and free-spirits emboldened by Labour’s current weakness; those with an eye on the forthcoming Tory leadership contest – get reported.  Where Osborne consciously decides to tack to the centre, the resulting rows will be between him and the generally Conservative supporting interests he upsets. Meanwhile, Labour is left struggling for air.

None of which is to say there are no paths back to relevance. There are all sorts of charges against the current government that, on the right issues, could be deployed - incompetence, complacency, inequity – by an effective opposition.  Nor is the elixir of relevance for a new opposition hard to divine: a distinct but plausible critique, forensic and timely research, and a credible and clear voice to deliver the message. But as yet we haven’t heard much of it.

Even in the best of times being in opposition is an enervating existence. Those out of power rarely get to set the terms of trade, even if they often like to tell themselves they can. Under Ed Miliband Labour had to strain – sometimes taking big risks - to establish its relevance in a novel era defined by the shifting dynamics of coalition politics. This time around Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour is up against a Chancellor willing to take risks and pick big fights: often with traditional Tory foes such as welfare claimants; but sometimes with people on his own side.  It’s also a new and challenging context. And one which Labour urgently needs to come to terms with.   

Gavin Kelly is chief executive of the Resolution Foundation