The battle for Glasgow East

The reality may be different but Labour are still seen as the party that stand up for the working cl

By-election fever is gripping Glasgow East, or so you'd believe if you read the press - particularly the quality broadsheets. On the streets of the constituency the story is a little different.

Okay, so it's festooned with placards and the candidates exchange barbs with each other on national television – but just how many voters incidentally are sufficiently motivated to get out of bed early on a Sunday morning to hear the cut and thrust of debate between Margaret Curran and John Mason? But the biggest fight is against voter apathy.

The turnout at the 2005 General Election was a paltry 48 per cent and with the by-election taking place during a Glasgow holiday it is likely to be even less this time around.

A 22 per cent swing is required for the SNP to take the seat and while a vigorous campaign has seen significant inroads made there is no real sense that a major shock is about to take place. Glasgow East is no Glasgow Govan and John Mason, though a highly able candidate, is no Jim Sillars.

The great challenge the SNP face in this constituency and Glasgow as a whole is making inroads into a Labour vote that is almost passed from generation to generation.

The reality may be different but Labour are still seen as the party that stand up for the working class. Margaret Curran cleverly plays on that with ‘Standing up for the East End’ plastered across her election literature. If the SNP are to win seats like these then they need to break the generational hold that Labour have on the vote in Glasgow.

The fight between Labour and the SNP is obviously the centre of attention but the two socialist parties, the Scottish Socialist Party and Tommy Sheridan’s Solidarity, are cooking up an interesting side show.

On the last weekend prior to the election we were greeted by the sight outside the Forge Shopping Centre of the SSP on one side of the road and Solidarity on the other. Even though the physical gap between the two parties was actually greater that the ideological gap that exists between them the hostility was clear to see. All this over a few hundred votes that will benefit no one other than Margaret Curran who will see the anti-Labour vote split.

Tom Hosie, 39, is a public service employee and Glasgow East resident for 12 years

Show Hide image

The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times