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Not enough fire in the belly

Labour's younger ministers are competent and assiduous, but none has yet emerged as inspirational. Will we need to skip a generation before someone arrives with the guts to carry out the necessary revolution?

So why has no one moved against Gordon Brown? Where are the bold spirits in the cabinet prepared to resign over 42 days detention without charge, as Robin Cook did over the decision to go to war in Iraq? Why has no single figure emerged as a potential rival to the Prime Minister?

These are not mere rhetorical flourishes, but questions now being expressed on a daily basis by Labour backbenchers and even some ministers. The obvious response is that any challenge to Brown would be a suicidal act of disloyalty. It would rip a still remarkably unified party asunder and trumpet the fact that Labour no longer believes it can win the next election. But that is not the whole story.

Imagine if, for instance, James Purnell or David Miliband resigned from the cabinet and returned to the back benches saying that the drift had gone far enough. They could announce that the position of the government was no longer sustainable and a new approach was needed. This individual could even have the luxury of resigning on a matter of principle: over the government's increasingly authoritarian anti-terror legislation, or the failure to stay on track with poverty targets. In all likelihood, the earth would swallow them up and they would be consigned to a life of obscurity for such an act of treachery.

But what a prize if they pulled it off. Even if the next election is already lost, the man or woman who was able to prevent a Conservative landslide would be well placed to lead the party through a short period of opposition before returning in triumph to Downing Street. In such extraordinary times, with public opinion so volatile, isn't it surprising that no one is prepared to take the risk?

The answer lies with the character of the younger generation of cabinet ministers, who came to political maturity under new Labour. With each potential candidate, it is possible to explain away their reticence. Ed Balls, Ed Miliband and Douglas Alexander are loyal servants of the Prime Minister, who owe their political careers to his patronage. They will never turn against him. Andy Burnham is too new to the cabinet and not an obvious coup leader. James Purnell lacks the necessary depth of support within the Parliamentary Labour Party. David Miliband had his chance last year and blew it. The only women senior enough, Ruth Kelly and Jacqui Smith, are not thought worthy of consideration.

It would have been a tragedy if this talented group of younger Labour politicians had never been given the chance to run a large government department. They have been, for the most part, competent and assiduous in their jobs. But none has yet shown him- or herself to be the kind of bold or inspirational figure that makes for leadership material.

In 2006, I dubbed this group of fortysomething politicians the "Adrian Mole generation", as they are the same age as Sue Townsend's eponymous hero and shared some of his capacity for tortured self-reflection. Along with their Conservative and Liberal Democrat counterparts, I suggested that they were likely to dominate the British political scene for the next decade. With David Cameron as Tory leader and Nick Clegg at the helm of the Lib Dems, that is now beyond doubt.

This group grew to adulthood between the miners' strike of 1984 and the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989, so their ideology is not defined by the traditional left-right divisions. But the other defining event of their lives was the global economic recession of the late 1980s, which struck just as they were leaving university into an uncertain world. No surprise, perhaps, that many of them found refuge in the cosy, secure world of party politics. What this means, however, is that they are collectively defined by their instinct for caution. These are people psychologically programmed against taking risks.

One young minister told me recently that there is a great deal of frustration at the inability of new Labour's second generation to produce a politician with fire in the belly. "Where is the figure who will change the way we do politics? Where is our Barack Obama?" These are good questions. When David Cameron starts to offer himself up as the nearest thing Britain has to a candidate who represents "change we can believe in", then you know we are in trouble.

In its official guise, new Labour is more than ten years old. It is two decades old if you count the Kinnock years. Everybody knows it needs recasting. But it looks as if we will need to skip a generation before someone arrives with the guts to carry out the necessary revolution. We may not yet have even heard the name of the next great leader of the Labour Party.

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5 comments from readers

john problem
12 June 2008 at 10:49

Oh, come! This is monstrous unfair to David, the Milky Bar Kid. He's the only one who has the same air of youth and confusion as Cameron - and is the obvious choice for Labour who are scared rigid of the Tory leader's unwrinkled brow. No traumatised Gordon, no snarling Ed, no...oh well...I give up. What we all need is a good dose of John Prescott - that would revive the electorate - and together with Boris in London, give us all a change from po-faced politics. Imagine!

knave
13 June 2008 at 07:06

The Labour Party has never really had great leaders. Capable politicians like Wilson, Attlee and Blair but not great charismatic leaders (perhaps Gaitskill).

"Great" leaders are usually Tory, such as Thatcher and Churchill. They like a good rally and salute.

The real battle of the labour party is between the neo economic liberals (who if they win we will have 5 parties who spout neo liberal economic policies (Labour, lib dems, Tory, UKIP and Libertarian and is that good for democracy) and the social democrats who believe there is role for the state and the collective. Taghiof wrote a brilliant analysis of the passive social state on another thread.

This is the problem.

If there were journalists who had the courage to put forward the argument for social democracy instead of revamped Gladstonian Laisee Faire economics mixed with Charles Murrays philosophy on the poor.

this is current norm. Aka Nick Cohen

Ah, if Tag was the political editor of the NS

As Billy Bragg once sang "Which side are you on"

writeon
13 June 2008 at 08:28

I'm not convinced that the current leadership of New Labour are particularly interested in politics at all, rather they are a group of semi-competent, managers and technocrats at the head of a kind of corporate state, a state where 'politics' is little more than a form of distraction and ideology has been replaced by rhetoric and an emphasis on personalities.

To be fair this really isn't their fault. The decline in Britain's democractic institutions didn't occur overnight, it is part of a process lasting decades, the rot really setting in with Thatcherism and its 'humane' face - Blarism. The New Labour leadership mildly accepts too many of the assumptions and policies of the Thatchrite counter-revolution, which succeeded in undermining and crushing Labour's base. Labour also surrendered to the idea that it couldn't get elected if it got on the wrong side of the Murdoch press and especially the might Sun. Over a whole range of issues this effectively gives the right a form of veto over government policy.

knave
13 June 2008 at 11:04

You are right on , write on.

What is needed is a rebirth of the labour party and get back to first principles.

1. You are there for the collective good.

2. You have and always have been a social democratic party in the old sense of the word.

3. Believes that a society is based on how we treat the weak, the poor and the dispossed.

4. You are there because you believe in the public good not your own. one way this could be achieved is to make it a party rule that you can only stand for for 2 political terms.

5. Not all problems can be solved by the market.

For all the rhetoric of progressive conservatism that is espoused in this column, murdochs press and the majority of the media it is still the Gladstonian/ Malthusian philosopy of survival of the fittest. Even the saint like JS Mill was a Gladstonian liberal who greatly admired Thomas Malthus

writeon
13 June 2008 at 19:43

I think what's needed, among other things, is a radical and focused programme to rivive and thouroughly re-invigorate the concept of citizenship in Britain.

There is far too much emphasis on parliamentary elections and the beauty contest between the party leaders. It's become far too presidential in style and content. This degeneration of the parliamentary system is a bad thing for democracy.

Also one urgently needs to introduce reform of the voting system so that it truly reflects the political attitudes of the electorate. First past the post is simply too primative a way to choose a candidate. It's a bizarre system where biggest party 'wins' even though it's 'lost' the popular or majority support. How can one possibly think such a system is democratic. It's like form of sanctioned minority rule or even dictatorship. We are even moving towards the American system where the party which manages to scrape around 25% of the possible votes - 'wins' - because one careful designed a system that effectively disenfranchaises around half the electorate, and they call it democracy!

Also New Labour could repeal the worst excesses of Thatcher's anti-union legislation, which has severely weakened the union movement, dragged wages and conditions down and taken away the only real power ordinary people have, the power of their numbers and the right to withdraw their labour and properly organize to protect and defend themselves from the ravages of the free market. The balance has been tipped too far in the direction of freedom for market forces whilst freedom for working people has been severely curtailed. Britain's workforce is arguably the least 'free' in all of western europe and probably the weakest.

I'm sure people will think this means a return to the bad old days, yet were the bad old days really so bad? At least one had an 'opposition' both in parliament and crucially, outside parliament.

I think the 60's were a period of almost unrivalled 'freedom' in Britain and political activity. There was also far more debate and discussion about politics and the direction society should take. Seen in a longer historical perspective, this period was probably the most politically and culturally 'free' since the English Civil War, at least for ordinary people who began to question the fundamentals of how society was organized and wealth and power distributed.

But these two short periods of 'freedom' were, and have been, replaced by 'business as usual'. That is minority rule by a powerful, wealthy and priviliged elite. The people needed to be taught a lesson and disciplined, and that's what Thatcherism really was, a form of collective punishment for the 'excesses' and 'threats' to the established social order typified by what we call the sixties.

I'm glad I was alive in the sixties, compared to now it almost seems like a golden age, at least culturally, even though there were substantial economic problems. I wonder if we'll see anything like the sixties again? Not in the controlled and increasingly totalitarian country we live in now. Perhaps we'll have to wait another couple of centuries for freedom and democracy to return again? And maybe that should be the real lesson of the sixties we should all think about and learn?

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