We must raise our ambition and build many more homes

With a new prime minister, Labour needs to seize the opportunity on housing - including new eco town

From "concreting the countryside" to eco towns: we have come a long way in the housing debate in the past two years. When John Prescott set out his housing plans a few years ago, the government was attacked for proposing too many homes. Now, Gordon Brown's new towns have been welcomed and the government is challenged for delivering too few.

Housing is increasing at its highest rate for nearly 20 years as a result. But we have not yet been ambitious enough. Current targets need to be higher. With a new prime minister, this is the moment to raise our sights. It is also the moment to challenge the Tories on housing - if they want to get serious about the aspirations of the next generation, they need to start backing at local and regional level the new homes Britain needs.

If we don't do more, housing will become the greatest cause of widening inequality over the next ten years. We have an ageing, growing population with more people living alone and the truth is this country hasn't been building enough homes to meet rising demand for decades. House prices have doubled in the past six years and more than quadrupled in the past 20 years, as a result. Talk to young couples from Midhurst to Manchester and you hear how many of them already depend on the Bank of Mum and Dad to get them started. And that's deeply unfair on those who can't get family support.

We need more social housing and shared-ownership homes, too. New social housing is up by 50 per cent in the past three years, but we need to go much further. Over recent years the investment priority has been refurbishing existing council homes. Nevertheless, the urgent need now is for more social housing, with councils and housing associations both able to build more.

The stark evidence of rising house prices is changing attitudes. Several years of concerted campaigning to change public views are making a difference too, as government-backed reports on the link between rising prices and lack of supply are starting to sink in. Websites such as ww.pricedout.org.uk are marshalling the voices of frustrated young first-time buyers. Deputy leadership candidates (all six of them) are calling for more affordable homes.

Zero-carbon homes have captured the imagination, too. The programme to improve design and cut carbon emissions from new housing is one of the most ambitious in the world and is helping to change the politics of housing. Now the Campaign for the Protection of Rural England, alongside WWF and Friends of the Earth, all say we need more homes, so long as they are built in a sustainable way.

But this means Labour now needs to seize the opportunity on housing - including new eco towns and bolder plans. Current targets to build 200,000 homes a year by 2016 will not be sufficient to keep up with rising demand. New homes are needed in the north as well as the south. The gap right now between the number of new households being formed and the number of homes built is actually bigger in Yorkshire than it is in the south-east. Further reforms are needed on top of recent planning changes and investment in infrastructure to make sure the homes come through.

Of course the real challenge is still to win the argument for more and better quality homes in every town and community, where local councils play such an important role in delivering (or blocking) development. It is easy to back new homes in principle, while somehow objecting to all the locations in which they could ever be built.

Too often Conservative councils are still arguing strongly against more homes. The Tory-led South East England Regional Assembly has adopted the utterly bonkers position that new house building should be cut rather than increased. So far David Cameron can just about get away with warm words on housing nationally, while his troops block them locally. But with the growing spotlight on housing, such contradictions will not hold. Housing will be the next grammar schools: when it comes to real policy, the Tory reactionaries win through.

Harold Macmillan's Tories would have been horrified at the hostility of Cameron's party towards more homes. In the Sixties, every party campaigned for 300,000 new homes a year. This shows it was possible to build consensus around major housing change. Previous generations managed it because they recognised the shocking consequences of denying families affordable quality homes of their own.

Brown has made clear his determination that the Labour government should make housing the priority now, in order to help future generations. The challenge for Cameron is whether he has the values or the strength to take on his party and join the consensus for more homes.

Yvette Cooper is minister for housing and planning

Yvette Cooper was Secretary of State for Work and Pensions 2009 to 2010, and is chair of the Changing Work Centre, set-up by the Fabian Society and Community Union.

This article first appeared in the 25 June 2007 issue of the New Statesman, Israel, Gaza and a summer of war?

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times