Labour MPs for Trident

A list of the Labour MPs who voted 'yes' for Trident

Following are names of the 235 Labour MPs voted on 14 March in favour of an amendemnt to renew the Trident nuclear missile system.

Nick Ainger
Bob Ainsworth
Douglas Alexander
Graham Allen
David Anderson
Janet Anderson
Hilary Armstrong
Ian Austin
Adrian Bailey
Vera Baird
Edward Balls
Celia Barlow
Kevin Barron
John Battle
Margaret Beckett
Hilary Benn
Clive Betts
Liz Blackman
Roberta Blackman-Woods
Tony Blair
Hazel Blears
Bob Blizzard
David Blunkett
David Borrow
Ben Bradshaw
Kevin Brennan
Gordon Brown
Nick Brown
Russell Brown
Des Browne
Chris Bryant
Andy Burnham
Stephen Byers
Liam Byrne
Richard Caborn
David Cairns
Alan Campbell
Ian Cawsey
Ben Chapman
Paul Clark
Tom Clarke
David Clelland
Vernon Coaker
Ann Coffey
Rosie Cooper
Yvette Cooper
David Crausby
Mary Creagh
Jim Cunningham
Tony Cunningham
Claire Curtis-Thomas
Alistair Darling
Wayne David
John Denham
Parmjit Dhanda
Brian H Donohoe
Jim Dowd
Angela Eagle
Maria Eagle
Louise Ellman
Natascha Engel
Paul Farrelly
Frank Field
Jim Fitzpatrick
Robert Flello
Caroline Flint
Barbara Follett
Michael Foster
Hywel Francis
Mike Gapes
Barry Gardiner
Bruce George
Linda Gilroy
Paul Goggins
Helen Goodman
Andrew Gwynne
Peter Hain
Mike Hall
David Hanson
Harriet Harman
Tom Harris
John Healey
Doug Henderson
Mark Hendrick
Stephen Hepburn
John Heppell
Stephen Hesford
Patricia Hewitt
Keith Hill
Meg Hillier
Margaret Hodge
Sharon Hodgson
Geoff Hoon
Phil Hope
George Howarth
Kim Howells
Lindsay Hoyle
Beverley Hughes
Joan Humble
John Hutton
Brian Iddon
Eric Illsley
Adam Ingram
Huw Irranca-Davies
Brian Jenkins
Alan Johnson
Diana Johnson
Helen Jones
Kevan Jones
Martyn Jones
Tessa Jowell
Eric Joyce
Gerald Kaufman
Sally Keeble
Barbara Keeley
Alan Keen
Ann Keen
Ruth Kelly
Fraser Kemp
Jane Kennedy
Piara S Khabra
Sadiq Khan
David Kidney
Jim Knight
Ashok Kumar
Stephen Ladyman
David Lammy
Bob Laxton
Tom Levitt
Ivan Lewis
Martin Linton
Andrew Love
Ian Lucas
John MacDougall
Khalid Mahmood
Shahid Malik
John Mann
Rob Marris
Eric Martlew
Thomas McAvoy
Stephen McCabe
Kerry McCarthy
Sarah McCarthy-Fry
Ian McCartney
Siobhain McDonagh
Patrick McFadden
John McFall
Anne McGuire
Shona McIsaac
Rosemary McKenna
Tony McNulty
Gillian Merron
Alun Michael
Alan Milburn
David Miliband
Edward Miliband
Andrew Miller
Anne Moffat
Laura Moffatt
Chris Mole
Madeleine Moon
Elliot Morley
Kali Mountford
Meg Munn
Jim Murphy
Paul Murphy
Dan Norris
Mike O'Brien
Edward O'Hara
Bill Olner
Albert Owen
Nick Palmer
Ian Pearson
James Plaskitt
Greg Pope
Bridget Prentice
John Prescott
Dawn Primarolo
James Purnell
Bill Rammell
Nick Raynsford
Jamie Reed
John Reid
John Robertson
Geoffrey Robinson
Terry Rooney
Frank Roy
Christine Russell
Joan Ryan
Martin Salter
Alison Seabeck
Jonathan R Shaw
Barry Sheerman
Jim Sheridan
Siôn Simon
Andrew Slaughter
Angela Smith
Angela Smith
Jacqui Smith
John Smith
Anne Snelgrove
Helen Southworth
John Spellar
Phyllis Starkey
Howard Stoate
Jack Straw
Gisela Stuart
Gerry Sutcliffe
Mark Tami
Dari Taylor
Gareth Thomas
Stephen Timms
Paddy Tipping
Don Touhig
Neil Turner
Derek Twigg
Kitty Ussher
Keith Vaz
Lynda Waltho
Claire Ward
Tom Watson
Dave Watts
Malcolm Wicks
Alan Williams
Michael Wills
Rosie Winterton
Shaun Woodward
Phil Woolas
David Wright
Iain Wright
Tony Wright
Derek Wyatt

Hana Bieliauskas is a junior at Ohio University majoring in magazine journalism. She is currently studying in London.
Ralph Steadman for the New Statesman.
Show Hide image

Tim Farron: Theresa May is "the prisoner of the Ukip wing of her party"

The Liberal Democrat leader on his faith, Blairism and his plan to replace Labour as the opposition. 

This is Tim Farron’s seventh general election. His first was in 1992, when his Tory opponent was a 36-year-old called Ther­esa May. He was just 21 and they were both unsuccessful candidates in the Labour fortress of North-West Durham. He recalls talking “to a bunch of ex-miners who weren’t best pleased to see either of us, some kid Liberal and some Tory”. Now he sees his former and current opponent as “the prisoner of the Ukip wing of her party . . . I think it has rendered Ukip almost pointless – she is Ukip now.”

May was elected to parliament in 1997, but it took Farron until 2005 to join her. She leads the dominant Conservatives while he heads a party of only nine Liberal Democrat MPs. Still, their reversal of fortunes gives him hope. “After the 1992 election, every­one said there’s no way for a non-Tory government, and it turned out there was. So let’s not assume it’s a given there’s a Tory government [for ever].”

In April, I accompanied Farron to Manchester Gorton, in the lead-up to a by-election that was cancelled by May’s decision to call a snap election on 8 June. Still, the 46-year-old’s party has been in campaign mode for months; Lib Dems spoke of using last December’s Richmond Park by-election to test their messaging. It clearly had an effect: the incumbent Conservative, Zac Goldsmith, lost to their candidate, Sarah Olney.

Brexit, to which the Liberal Democrats are vehemently opposed, will be a dominant theme of the election. Their party membership has just exceeded 100,000, close to an all-time high, and they have enjoyed much success in council by-elections, with more to come in the local elections of 4 May.

However, any feel-good factor swiftly evaporated when Farron appeared on Channel 4 News on 18 April. He was asked by the co-presenter Cathy Newman whether or not he believes that homosexuality is a sin, a question that he answered obliquely in 2015 by saying that Christianity started with acknowledging that “we’re all sinners”.

This time, he told Newman, he was “not in the position to make theological announcements over the next six weeks . . . as a Liberal, I’m passionate about equality”.

The Channel 4 interview divided opinion. One Liberal politician told me that Farron’s stance was “completely intolerable”. Stephen Pollard, the influential editor of the Jewish Chronicle, described it as
“a very liberal position: he holds certain personal views but does not wish to legislate around them”. Jennie Rigg, the acting chair of LGBT+ Liberal Democrats, said it was “as plain as the nose on my face that Tim Farron is no homophobe”.

Farron declined the chance to clarify his views with us in a follow-up phone call, but told the BBC on 25 April: “I don’t believe that gay sex is a sin,” adding, “On reflection, it makes sense to actually answer this direct question since it’s become an issue.”

For his critics, Farron’s faith and politics are intertwined. He sees it differently, as he told Christian Today in 2015: “. . . the danger is sometimes that as a Christian in politics you think your job is to impose your morality on other people. It absolutely isn’t.”

Tim Farron joined the then Liberal Party at the age of 16 but didn’t become a Christian until he was 18. Between completing his A-levels in Lancashire and going to Newcastle University to read politics, he read the apologetics, a body of Christian writing that provides reasoned arguments for the gospel story. “I came to the conclusion that it was true,” he told me. “It wasn’t just a feel-good story.”

In speeches, Farron now takes on the mannerisms of a preacher, but he had a largely non-religious upbringing in Preston, Lancashire. “I don’t think I’d been to church once other than Christmas or the odd wedding,” he says. “I went once with my dad when I was 11, for all the good that did me.”

When we meet, it is Theresa May’s religion that is in the spotlight. She has condemned the National Trust for scrubbing the word “Easter” from its Easter egg hunt, a row it later emerged had been largely invented by the right-wing press in response to a press release from a religious-themed chocolate company.

“It’s worth observing there’s no mention of chocolate or bunny rabbits in the Bible,” Farron reminds me. “When people get cross about, in inverted commas, ‘us losing our Christian heritage’ they mean things which are safe and comfortable and nostalgic.” He pauses. “But the Christian message at Easter is shocking, actually, and very radical.”

British politics is tolerant of atheists (such as Ed Miliband and Nick Clegg) alongside those who, like David Cameron, are culturally Christian but whose faith is “a bit like the reception for Magic FM in the Chilterns: it sort of comes and goes”. But the reaction to Farron’s equivocation on homosexuality prompted many to wonder if a politician who talks openly about his faith is now seen as alarming. Nebulous wishes of peace and love at Christmas, yes; sincere discussions of the literal truth of the Resurrection? Hmm.

Tim Farron’s beliefs matter because he has a mission: to replace not only Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the opposition but Theresa May in Downing Street. Over lassis at the MyLahore curry house in Manchester, he tells me that Britain is facing two calamities. “One is Brexit, indeed hard Brexit . . . and the other is a Tory government for 25 years. We have to present a genuine, progressive alternative that can not only replace Labour as an opposition, it can replace the Tories as a government.” This is ambitious talk for a party with nine MPs. “I understand the ridicule that will be thrown at me for saying those things: but if you don’t want to run the country, why are you in politics?” He pauses. “That’s a question I would ask most people leading the Labour Party at present.”

What does he think of May, his one-time opponent in North-West Durham? “She strikes me as being very professional, very straightforward, somebody who is very conservative in every sense of the word, in her thought processes, her politics, in her style.” He recalls her 2002 conference speech in which she warned Tory activists: “Our base is too narrow and so, occasionally, are our sympathies. You know what some people call us: the nasty party.”

“In many ways, she was the trailblazer for Cameron in being a softer-focused Tory,” he says. “It now looks like she’s been trapped by the very people she was berating as the nasty party all those years ago. I like to think that isn’t really her. But that means she isn’t really in control of the Conservative Party.”

Voters, however, seem to disagree. In recent polls, support for the Conservatives has hovered between 40 and 50 per cent. Isn’t a progressive alliance the only way to stop her: Labour, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, the SNP and Plaid Cymru all working together to beat the Tories?

“Let’s be really blunt,” he says. “Had Jeremy Corbyn stood down for us in Richmond Park [where Labour stood Christian Wolmar], we would not have won. I could have written Zac Goldsmith’s leaflets for you: Corbyn-backed Liberal Democrats.

“I’m a pluralist,” he adds. “But any progressive alliance has got to be at least equal to the sum of its parts. At the moment, it would be less than the sum of its parts. The only way the Tories are losing their majority is us gaining seats in Hazel Grove –” he ticks them off with his fingers, “– in Cheadle, in the West Country and west London. There’s no chance of us gaining those seats if we have a kind of arrangement with the current Labour Party in its current form.”

What about the SNP? “Most sensible people would look at that SNP manifesto and agree with 99 per cent of it,” Farron says. “But it’s that one thing: they want to wreck the country! How can you do a deal with people who want to wreck the country?”

There’s no other alternative, he says. Someone needs to step up and offer “something that can appeal to progressive younger voters, pro-Europeans and, you know, moderate-thinking Middle England”. He wants to champion a market economy, strong public services, action on climate change, internationalism and free trade.

That sounds like Blairism. “I’m a liberal, and I don’t think Blair was a liberal,” he replies. “But I admire Blair because he was somebody who was able to win elections . . . Iraq aside, my criticisms of Blair are what he didn’t do, rather than what he did do.”

Turning around the Tory tide – let alone with just nine MPs, and from third place – is one hell of a job. But Farron takes heart from the Liberal Party in Canada, where Justin Trudeau did just that. “I’m not Trudeau,” he concedes, “He was better-looking, and his dad was prime minister.”

There is a reason for his optimism. “I use the analogy of being in a maze,” he says, “You can’t see a way out of it, for a progressive party to form a majority against the Tories. But in every maze, there is a way out. We just haven’t found it yet.” 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

This article first appeared in the 27 April 2017 issue of the New Statesman, Cool Britannia 20 Years On

0800 7318496