How does Apple keep its prices so regular?

It's not just the iron will of Tim Cook…

Why do you never see Apple products discounted? Everyone knows to shop around if you're buying consumer electronics. It's a market where there are often vast discounts over the recommended retail price, and where buying direct from the manufacturer, if its possible at all, is a way to guarantee you get ripped-off.

Except, it seems, Apple. The company maintains a cast-iron grip over its prices, and a huge quantity of its sales are direct. How does it do it? Macworld's Marco Tabini explains the two interconnected methods it uses.

Firstly, the company only offers a tiny wholesale discount to third-party resellers:

The actual numbers are a closely guarded secret, protected by confidentiality agreements between Cupertino and its resellers, but the difference probably amounts to only a few percentage points off the official price that you find at Apple’s own stores.

That small discount means that most stores can't offer much money off without losing money on every Apple product sold — but it also lowers the motivation for them to do anything with Apple at all. After all, if they make 30-55 per cent per generic Windows laptop sold, they are likely to push them much harder to customers, and may decide there's not even any point in stocking Apple at all.

That's where the second method comes in. Apple offers "substantial monetary incentives to retails who advertise its products at or above a certain price, the "minimum advertised price". Tabini writes:

This arrangement enables retailers to make more money per sale, but it prevents them from offering customers significant discounts, resulting in the nearly homogeneous Apple pricing we are used to.

It also explains why, particularly in the US, where they are more common anyway, mail-in rebates are so common on Apple gear. It allows the retailer to "advertise" the laptop at the minimum price, while still undercutting Apple on the final sale price.

All of that doesn't prevent companies offering discounts on Apple products where they can, though. Both PC World and Amazon UK offer substantial discounts on a couple of Apple laptops, while the company itself offers a lot of under-advertised, but potentially large, discounts for certain groups (not just students, but some professions too). Maybe the old myth is worth busting, and its time to shop around for that company as much as anyone else.

Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

Photo: Getty
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Brexiteers want national sovereignty and tighter borders – but they can't have both

The role of the European Court of Justice is a major sticking point in talks.

Why doesn't Theresa May's counter-offer on the rights of European citizens living and working in Britain pass muster among the EU27? It all comes down to one of the biggest sticking points in the Brexit talks: the role of the European Court of Justice.

The European Commission, under direction from the leaders of member states, wants the rights of the three million living here and of the British diaspora in the EU guaranteed by the European Court. Why? Because that way, the status of EU citizens here or that of British nationals in the EU aren't subject to the whims of a simple majority vote in the legislature.

This is where Liam Fox, as crassly he might have put it, has a point about the difference between the UK and the EU27, being that the UK does not "need to bury" its 20th century history. We're one of the few countries in the EU where political elites get away with saying, "Well, what's the worst that could happen?" when it comes to checks on legislative power. For the leaders of member states, a guarantee not backed up by the European Court of Justice is no guarantee at all.

That comes down to the biggest sticking point of the Brexit talks: rules. In terms of the deal that most British voters, Leave or Remain, want – a non-disruptive exit that allows the British government to set immigration policy – UK politicians can get that, provided they concede on money and rules, ie we continue to follow the directions of the European Court while having no power to set them. Britain could even seek its own trade deals and have that arrangement.

But the problem is that deal runs up against the motivations of the Brexit elite, who are in the main unfussed about migration but are concerned about sovereignty – and remaining subject to the rule of the ECJ without being able to set its parameters is, it goes without saying, a significant loss of sovereignty. 

Can a fudge be found? That the Article 50 process goes so heavily in favour of the EU27 and against the leaving member means that the appetite on the EuCo side for a fudge is limited. 

But there is hope, as David Davis has conceded that there will have to be an international guarantor, as of course there will have to be. If you trade across borders, you need a cross-border referee. If a plane goes up in one country and lands in another, then it is, by necessity, regulated across borders. (That arrangement has also been mooted by Sigmar Gabriel, foreign minister in Angela Merkel's government. But that Gabriel's centre-left party looks likely to be expelled from coalition after the next election means that his support isn't as valuable as many Brexiteers seem to think.)

On the Conservative side, a new EU-UK international body would satisfy the words of May's ECJ red line. On the EU27 side, that the body would, inevitably, take its lead from the treaties of the EU sans Britain and the ECJ would mean that in spirit, Britain would be subject to the ECJ by another name.

But it comes back to the Brexit dilemma. You can satisfy the voters' demand for non-disruptive control of British borders. You can satisfy political demand for sovereignty. But you can't have both. May – and whoever replaces her – will face the same question: who do you disappoint?

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.

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