The emotive, victory-clutching style of the Yes campaign is at risk of floundering before the cool, hard realities presented by the UK Treasury.
The move reflects the justified belief among investors that Scotland's debt position would be weaker than that of the UK.
The Prime Minister's persistent refusal to debate Salmond will become a running sore and an increasingly dominant aspect of the campaign.
Labour will end the year ahead in the polls, Scotland will reject independence by a double-digit margin and Ed Balls will remain shadow chancellor.
All of the polls continue to show a large double-digit lead for the No side. There is no reason to believe opinion will shift dramatically in the next nine months.
As someone who was born in the 1960s, the son of wartime evacuees from London, I had a sense from an early age that Britain was oppressed by a lost greatness.
Adam Smith or David Hume were no slouches when it came to economics but on the subject of monetary policy, the palm goes not to those superstars of the Scottish Enlightenment but to a man born a generation before them and much less well known.
Women make up 52 per cent of Scotland’s population, and are more likely to be undecided about independence than their male counterparts, yet the public debate about Scotland's future is mostly taking place between white middle-aged men.
While the SNP obsesses over independence, voters are more concerned with an unemployed population the size of Dundee.
There is little to be gained from defining problems on Clydeside as 'national' issues but problems on Merseyside as 'economic' ones.