Manchester Town Hall: Labour has come up with a New Deal for England, involving devolving powers. Photo: Getty
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Labour’s New Deal for England will end a century of centralisation

The shadow communities secretary and head of Labour's policy review explain why Labour will adopt a radically different approach to delivering public services, moving away from top-down central control.

Politics is at a turning point. Too many decisions are top-down and state-driven, and too much is about structures rather than individuals. Our current way of doing things is based on centralisation and a culture built on expectation of, rather than obligation to, others, both of which have left us, for example, with insufficient and unaffordable childcare, too many young people out of work, and a care system for older people that is creaking under the strain. 

We know there are lots of people with ideas and determination to change things, but feel powerless to act. Communities with huge energy and potential. And those at the frontline know better than anyone back in Whitehall how, through local reform and innovation, that they could deliver better services.

So how should a future Labour government respond? Labour is clear that we cannot simply spend more money to deal with the growing pressure on services, but we also know that the Tory approach of cutting back services and leaving communities to sink or swim is failing.  And so, at a time when there is less money around, a Labour government will have to adopt a radically different approach to delivering public services. Instead of the old model of top-down central control, we will have devolve power to communities and users to deliver the public services they want. 

Today, the Local Government Innovation Taskforce has published its conclusions on how a Labour government could achieve this. Their proposals for reform are based on three principles: pushing power down; collaboration so that services are joined up around the needs of people and place; and prevention to stop costly problems before they arise. 

The central recommendation, which we strongly endorse, is that a Labour government should agree a New English Deal with councils to devolve powers and resources down to communities. In return, local government will enter into new public service contracts with their communities to deliver five outcomes:

·         the care needed to live independently;

·         opportunities for young people to get a decent job;

·         community safety and reductions in crime;

·         help for excluded families;

·         early-years support for every child in the community.

To do this a Labour is committed to the principle of multi-year funding settlements for local services to give councils the flexibility to redesign services around the needs of local people and the ability to keep savings gained through reforms locally. And that's not all. Further areas for devolution proposed by the Taskforce that could also form part of the deal include:

·         Greater powers locally to bring together health and social care around the ‘whole person’ through a collective commissioning plan and a pooled budget based on ‘year of care funding’ for people with long term conditions.

·         Local control over the vocational skills budget for 19 to 24 year olds so that areas can decide what further education colleges should provide. 

·         A new local service for under 21 year olds to help young people get the skills and help they need to get a decent job. This would bringing together Jobcentre Plus and local authority support for young people under one roof.

·         Stronger powers for local authorities to appoint local police commissioners, set priorities for neighbourhood policing and improve value for money and performance; and       

·         Powers to broker childcare support for parents and join-up early years services in Sure Start Centres, matched by stronger local accountability of all schools through the appointment of Directors of Schools Standards. 

Hand in hand with this radical new approach will be a commitment to local accountability and scrutiny, with councils setting up strong councillor-led Local Public Accounts Committees. As Whitehall’s budget and local budgets are increasingly pooled to provide local services, it is at the local level that scrutiny of that expenditure and its effectiveness should take place. A single body with the power to assess all public services in an area will not only drive better value for taxpayers but create much stronger and more visible accountability for decisions.

This is one important part of Labour's New Deal for England, but our centralised state is also holding back growth. It is madness that plans for transport investment, for example, have to make the long, slow journey all the way to Whitehall to get the go ahead instead of being decided, and implemented, locally. That is why last week Andrew Adonis’ report on devolving power over economic development and infrastructure to councils and to groups of councils that come together, working closely with local business leaders, is also so significant.

A Labour government will transfer £30bn of spending from Whitehall to the Town Hall over the lifetime of the next Parliament and allow groups of councils that form combined authorities to retain 100% of business rates income. This is an offer not just to our great cities, which were once the silicon valleys of the industrial revolution and are now home to new industries, but also to our counties. After all, where is the centre of global innovation in motorsport engineering?  Oxfordshire. Where can you find the home of Europe's foremost biotechnology cluster? Greater Cambridge.

What this is all about is letting go so that the talent and vision you can find in every community can flourish. Last weekend, we saw what this could achieve as Leeds, Harrogate and Sheffield - along with the glory of the Yorkshire Dales - played host to the Tour de France. That's what you get when you devolve power. Just imagine what more could be done if we set free all this local creativity, energy and passion.

As Michael Bloomberg, the former mayor of New York, said: "We're the level of government closest to the majority of the world's people. While nations talk, but too often drag their heels, cities act."

That's the case for the New Deal for England that Labour will be offering next May.

You can read the full report here.

Hilary Benn is Labour MP for Leeds Central and shadow communities secretary; Jon Cruddas is Labour MP for Dagenham and Rainham and he heads Labour's policy review

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David Osland: “Corbyn is actually Labour’s only chance”

The veteran Labour activist on the release of his new pamphlet, How to Select or Reselect Your MP, which lays out the current Labour party rules for reselecting an MP.

Veteran left-wing Labour activist David Osland, a member of the national committee of the Labour Representation Committee and a former news editor of left magazine Tribune, has written a pamphlet intended for Labour members, explaining how the process of selecting Labour MPs works.

Published by Spokesman Books next week (advance copies are available at Nottingham’s Five Leaves bookshop), the short guide, entitled “How to Select or Reselect Your MP”, is entertaining and well-written, and its introduction, which goes into reasoning for selecting a new MP and some strategy, as well as its historical appendix, make it interesting reading even for those who are not members of the Labour party. Although I am a constituency Labour party secretary (writing here in an expressly personal capacity), I am still learning the Party’s complex rulebook; I passed this new guide to a local rules-boffin member, who is an avowed Owen Smith supporter, to evaluate whether its description of procedures is accurate. “It’s actually quite a useful pamphlet,” he said, although he had a few minor quibbles.

Osland, who calls himself a “strong, but not uncritical” Corbyn supporter, carefully admonishes readers not to embark on a campaign of mass deselections, but to get involved and active in their local branches, and to think carefully about Labour’s election fortunes; safe seats might be better candidates for a reselection campaign than Labour marginals. After a weak performance by Owen Smith in last night’s Glasgow debate and a call for Jeremy Corbyn to toughen up against opponents by ex Norwich MP Ian Gibson, an old ally, this pamphlet – named after a 1981 work by ex-Tribune editor Chris Mullin, who would later go on to be a junior minister under Blai – seems incredibly timely.

I spoke to Osland on the telephone yesterday.

Why did you decide to put this pamphlet together now?

I think it’s certainly an idea that’s circulating in the Labour left, after the experience with Corbyn as leader, and the reaction of the right. It’s a debate that people have hinted at; people like Rhea Wolfson have said that we need to be having a conversation about it, and I’d like to kickstart that conversation here.

For me personally it’s been a lifelong fascination – I was politically formed in the early Eighties, when mandatory reselection was Bennite orthodoxy and I’ve never personally altered my belief in that. I accept that the situation has changed, so what the Labour left is calling for at the moment, so I see this as a sensible contribution to the debate.

I wonder why selection and reselection are such an important focus? One could ask, isn’t it better to meet with sitting MPs and see if one can persuade them?

I’m not calling for the “deselect this person, deselect that person” rhetoric that you sometimes see on Twitter; you shouldn’t deselect an MP purely because they disagree with Corbyn, in a fair-minded way, but it’s fair to ask what are guys who are found to be be beating their wives or crossing picket lines doing sitting as our MPs? Where Labour MPs publicly have threatened to leave the party, as some have been doing, perhaps they don’t value their Labour involvement.

So to you it’s very much not a broad tool, but a tool to be used a specific way, such as when an MP has engaged in misconduct?

I think you do have to take it case by case. It would be silly to deselect the lot, as some people argue.

In terms of bringing the party to the left, or reforming party democracy, what role do you think reselection plays?

It’s a basic matter of accountability, isn’t it? People are standing as Labour candidates – they should have the confidence and backing of their constituency parties.

Do you think what it means to be a Labour member has changed since Corbyn?

Of course the Labour party has changed in the past year, as anyone who was around in the Blair, Brown, Miliband era will tell you. It’s a completely transformed party.

Will there be a strong reaction to the release of this pamphlet from Corbyn’s opponents?

Because the main aim is to set out the rules as they stand, I don’t see how there can be – if you want to use the rules, this is how to go about it. I explicitly spelled out that it’s a level playing field – if your Corbyn supporting MP doesn’t meet the expectations of the constituency party, then she or he is just as subject to a challenge.

What do you think of the new spate of suspensions and exclusions of some people who have just joined the party, and of other people, including Ronnie Draper, the General Secretary of the Bakers’ Union, who have been around for many years?

It’s clear that the Labour party machinery is playing hardball in this election, right from the start, with the freeze date and in the way they set up the registered supporters scheme, with the £25 buy in – they’re doing everything they can to influence this election unfairly. Whether they will succeed is an open question – they will if they can get away with it.

I’ve been seeing comments on social media from people who seem quite disheartened on the Corbyn side, who feel that there’s a chance that Smith might win through a war of attrition.

Looks like a Corbyn win to me, but the gerrymandering is so extensive that a Smith win isn’t ruled out.

You’ve been in the party for quite a few years, do you think there are echoes of past events, like the push for Bennite candidates and the takeover from Foot by Kinnock?

I was around last time – it was dirty and nasty at times. Despite the narrative being put out by the Labour right that it was all about Militant bully boys and intimidation by the left, my experience as a young Bennite in Tower Hamlets Labour Party, a very old traditional right wing Labour party, the intimidation was going the other way. It was an ugly time – physical threats, people shaping up to each other at meetings. It was nasty. Its nasty in a different way now, in a social media way. Can you compare the two? Some foul things happened in that time – perhaps worse in terms of physical intimidation – but you didn’t have the social media.

There are people who say the Labour Party is poised for a split – here in Plymouth (where we don’t have a Labour MP), I’m seeing comments from both sides that emphasise that after this leadership election we need to unite to fight the Tories. What do you think will happen?

I really hope a split can be avoided, but we’re a long way down the road towards a split. The sheer extent of the bad blood – the fact that the right have been openly talking about it – a number of newspaper articles about them lining up backing from wealthy donors, operating separately as a parliamentary group, then they pretend that butter wouldn’t melt in their mouths, and that they’re not talking about a split. Of course they are. Can we stop the kamikazes from doing what they’re plotting to do? I don’t know, I hope so.

How would we stop them?

We can’t, can we? If they have the financial backing, if they lose this leadership contest, there’s no doubt that some will try. I’m old enough to remember the launch of the SDP, let’s not rule it out happening again.

We’ve talked mostly about the membership. But is Corbynism a strategy to win elections?

With the new electoral registration rules already introduced, the coming boundary changes, and the loss of Scotland thanks to decades of New Labour neglect, it will be uphill struggle for Labour to win in 2020 or whenever the next election is, under any leadership.

I still think Corbyn is Labour’s best chance. Any form of continuity leadership from the past would see the Midlands and north fall to Ukip in the same way Scotland fell to the SNP. Corbyn is actually Labour’s only chance.

Margaret Corvid is a writer, activist and professional dominatrix living in the south west.