Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Failing elites threaten our future (Financial Times)

Leaders richly rewarded for mediocrity cannot be relied upon when things go wrong, writes Martin Wolf. 

2. Ed Miliband should come clean – the rich will have to pay more (Daily Telegraph)

A promise to reinstate the top 50p tax band and fund child care would be a good start, says Mary Riddell. 

3. Why A&E departments are fighting for their life (Guardian)

The marketisation of the NHS pits hospital against hospital, and specialism against specialism, says Allyson Pollock. The whole service is suffering, not just A&E.

4. Benefits Street is a challenge for the right (Times)

As this brilliant TV programme suggests, vulnerable people need help to break the cycle of dependence, says Daniel Finkelstein. 

5. France was described as the ‘sick man of Europe’ in the past but returned to health when a Socialist President changed his policies (Independent)

The parallels between the François then and the François now are uncanny, says Hamish McRae.

6. The bluster of al-Qaeda hides failure (Financial Times)

Policy should focus less on the jihadis and more on the conditions that engender them, says David Gardner.

7. America has had the guts to go after banking’s rogues (Times)

UK regulators believe that prosecuting banks would be destabilising, writes Ross Clark. 

8. The squeezed middle deserves far better (Daily Telegraph)

David Cameron has to come up with an agenda that will see those suffering from that “protracted squeeze” benefit from the recovery, says a Telegraph editorial. 

9. Cost of living crisis vaporised as inflation falls (Daily Mail)

Labour’s knee-jerk response to every set of economic numbers may soon need revising, says Alex Brummer. 

10. Hollande's private life is the least of his problems (Guardian)

The president should be regretting not his personal follies but the failure of the French economic model, writes Simon Jenkins. 

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Why Theresa May can't end speculation of an early general election

Both Conservative and Labour MPs regard a contest next year as the solution to their problems. 

One of Theresa May’s first acts as a Conservative leadership candidate was to rule out an early general election. After a tumultuous 2015 contest and the EU referendum, her view was that the country required a period of stability (a view shared by voters). Many newly-elected Tory MPs, fearful of a Brexit-inspired Ukip or Liberal Democrat surge, supported her on this condition.

After entering Downing Street, May reaffirmed her stance. “The Prime Minister could not have been clearer,” a senior source told me. “There won’t be an early election.” Maintaining this pledge is an important part of May’s straight-talking image.

But though No.10 has wisely avoided publicly contemplating an election (unlike Gordon Brown), the question refuses to die. The Conservatives have a majority of just 12 - the smallest of any single-party government since 1974 - and, as David Cameron found, legislative defeats almost inevitably follow. May’s vow to lift the ban on new grammar schools looks to many like an unachievable task. Former education secretary Nicky Morgan and former business minister Anna Soubry are among the Tories leading the charge against the measure (which did not feature in the 2015 Conservative manifesto).  

To this problem, an early election appears to be the solution. The Tories retain a substantial opinion poll lead over Labour, the most divided opposition in recent history. An election victory would give May the mandate for new policies that she presently lacks.

“I don’t believe Theresa May wishes to hold an early election which there is evidence that the country doesn’t want and which, given the current state of the Labour Party, might be seen as opportunistic,” Nigel Lawson told today’s Times“If, however, the government were to find that it couldn’t get its legislation through the House of Commons, then a wholly new situation would arise.”

It is not only Conservatives who are keeping the possibility of an early election alive. Many Labour MPs are pleading for one in the belief that it would end Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. An early contest would also pre-empt the boundary changes planned in 2018, which are forecast to cost the party 23 seats.

For Corbyn, the possibility of an election is a vital means of disciplining MPs. Allies also hope that the failed revolt against his leadership, which Labour members blame for the party’s unpopularity, would allow him to remain leader even if defeated.

Unlike her predecessors, May faces the obstacle of the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act (under which the next election will be on 7 May 2020). Yet it is not an insurmountable one. The legislation can be suspended with the backing of two-thirds of MPs, or through a vote of no confidence in the government. Alternatively, the act could simply be repealed or amended. Labour and the Liberal Democrats, who have demanded an early election, would struggle to resist May if she called their bluff.

To many, it simply looks like an offer too good to refuse. Which is why, however hard May swats this fly, it will keep coming back. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.