Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. The state must end the UK housing crisis (Financial Times)

Government needs to become engaged in building communities again, says Andrew Adonis.

2. Why do private-sector zealots choose to ignore the countless ways public money underpins daily life? (Independent)

Free market capitalism is a con, says Owen Jones. The state is the backbone of modern British capitalism.

3. Miliband gambles that recovery will be weak (Times)

A confident Labour leader plans more policies to help people to make ends meet, says Jenni Russell. 

4. The moment David Cameron lost the 2015 general election (Guardian)

By extolling the virtues of permanent austerity, the prime minister has abandoned the middle ground he needs to win, says Martin Kettle.

5. We can’t leave A&E reform to our children (Times)

Flunking big decisions on the NHS, energy generation or transport is a fatal and expensive error, says David Aaronovitch.

6. Immigration: Britain’s doors are wide open, and we can’t even talk about it (Daily Telegraph)

A wave of Romanians and Bulgarians is heading our way, thanks to the EU’s lack of democracy, says Peter Oborne.

7. A campaign to leave the EU is taking shape (Times)

Those who want Britain to become an independent nation again are preparing a populist plan of action, writes Tim Montgomerie.

8. Unite can't be left to resist Cameron's smear campaign alone (Guardian)

David Cameron and the Tory press have launched a retro anti-union drive to damage Ed Miliband, says Seumas Milne. But it won't fly in today's Britain.

9. Abe’s first arrow is the one that matters (Financial Times)

What is really radical is the bold gamble to rid Japan of 15 years of deflation, writes David Pilling.

10. How the EU is thwarting states from continuing with capital punishment (Independent)

Some states are trying to keep the show on the road with risky improvisation, writes David Usborne. 

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Labour's establishment suspects a Momentum conspiracy - they're right

Bernie Sanders-style organisers are determined to rewire the party's machine.  

If you wanted to understand the basic dynamics of this year’s Labour leadership contest, Brighton and Hove District Labour Party is a good microcosm. On Saturday 9 July, a day before Angela Eagle was to announce her leadership bid, hundreds of members flooded into its AGM. Despite the room having a capacity of over 250, the meeting had to be held in three batches, with members forming an orderly queue. The result of the massive turnout was clear in political terms – pro-Corbyn candidates won every position on the local executive committee. 

Many in the room hailed the turnout and the result. But others claimed that some in the crowd had engaged in abuse and harassment.The national party decided that, rather than first investigate individuals, it would suspend Brighton and Hove. Add this to the national ban on local meetings and events during the leadership election, and it is easy to see why Labour seems to have an uneasy relationship with mass politics. To put it a less neutral way, the party machine is in a state of open warfare against Corbyn and his supporters.

Brighton and Hove illustrates how local activists have continued to organise – in an even more innovative and effective way than before. On Thursday 21 July, the week following the CLP’s suspension, the local Momentum group organised a mass meeting. More than 200 people showed up, with the mood defiant and pumped up.  Rather than listen to speeches, the room then became a road test for a new "campaign meetup", a more modestly titled version of the "barnstorms" used by the Bernie Sanders campaign. Activists broke up into small groups to discuss the strategy of the campaign and then even smaller groups to organise action on a very local level. By the end of the night, 20 phonebanking sessions had been planned at a branch level over the following week. 

In the past, organising inside the Labour Party was seen as a slightly cloak and dagger affair. When the Labour Party bureaucracy expelled leftwing activists in past decades, many on went further underground, organising in semi-secrecy. Now, Momentum is doing the exact opposite. 

The emphasis of the Corbyn campaign is on making its strategy, volunteer hubs and events listings as open and accessible as possible. Interactive maps will allow local activists to advertise hundreds of events, and then contact people in their area. When they gather to phonebank in they will be using a custom-built web app which will enable tens of thousands of callers to ring hundreds of thousands of numbers, from wherever they are.

As Momentum has learned to its cost, there is a trade-off between a campaign’s openness and its ability to stage manage events. But in the new politics of the Labour party, in which both the numbers of interested people and the capacity to connect with them directly are increasing exponentially, there is simply no contest. In order to win the next general election, Labour will have to master these tactics on a much bigger scale. The leadership election is the road test. 

Even many moderates seem to accept that the days of simply triangulating towards the centre and getting cozy with the Murdoch press are over. Labour needs to reach people and communities directly with an ambitious digital strategy and an army of self-organising activists. It is this kind of mass politics that delivered a "no" vote in Greece’s referendum on the terms of the Eurozone bailout last summer – defying pretty much the whole of the media, business and political establishment. 

The problem for Corbyn's challenger, Owen Smith, is that many of his backers have an open problem with this type of mass politics. Rather than investigate allegations of abuse, they have supported the suspension of CLPs. Rather than seeing the heightened emotions that come with mass mobilisations as side-effects which needs to be controlled, they have sought to joins unconnected acts of harassment, in order to smear Jeremy Corbyn. The MP Ben Bradshaw has even seemed to accuse Momentum of organising a conspiracy to physically attack Labour MPs.

The real conspiracy is much bigger than that. Hundreds of thousands of people are arriving, enthusiastic and determined, into the Labour party. These people, and their ability to convince the communities of which they are a part, threaten Britain’s political equilibrium, both the Conservatives and the Labour establishment. When the greatest hope for Labour becomes your greatest nightmare, you have good call to feel alarmed.