Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. While dubious mortality rates grab headlines, NHS privatisation gallops on (Guardian)

The ferocity of the battle over 'dangerous' hospitals was not synthetic, says Polly Toynbee. The future of the NHS itself is under attack.

2. German fear of past jeopardises Europe (Financial Times)

The onus is on Berlin is to show it is ready to lead, writes Mark Mazower.

3. The world must learn from India’s two nations (Times)

The fatal poisoning of 23 children shows that growth and democracy are not enough, writes Philip Collins. You need good government too.

4. We have to wean the country off the drug of immigration (Daily Telegraph)

Education and welfare reforms, not imported labour, are the way to solve our mounting debt, argues Fraser Nelson.

5. David Cameron has failed to resist the lunchtime lobbyists' lure (Guardian)

In opposition, he saw the scandal coming, writes Simon Jenkins. But in office the PM has cosied up to corporate figures like Lynton Crosby.

6. Italy must throw out its racist politics (Financial Times)

The nation is stranded in the past regarding gender and racial equality, writes Philip Stephens.

7. Bad news: house prices are bubbling up again (Times)

The latest forecast is a 13% rise, writes Ed Conway. But will voters thank Osborne for stoking up the market?

8. Better a turbocharged backbencher than a ministerial drudge (Daily Telegraph)

A rebellious MP can have more effect on the direction of the party than an obedient minister, says Isabel Hardman.

9. Red Ed's picked this union dinosaur to clean up Labour's vote rigging scandal (Daily Mail)

Ray Collins is indelibly associated with corrupt elections and smears, says Andrew Pierce.

10. There is no ‘golden age’ for Malala to return to in Pakistan (Independent)

The message is simple: everything Malala has learned is wrong, writes Peter Popham. 

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Both Labour and the Tories have decided the 2017 election was a victory

As Westminster heads for the beach, at least one party is on course to look very foolish.

For the second time in seven years, Westminster heads for the beach after an election that no one won.

Jeremy Corbyn went into the election looking for “brilliant defeat” and he got it – a triumphant advance for him and his party, and with it, the Labour leadership for however long he wants it. Now most of his party seems to have remembered the brilliance, and forgotten the defeat.

Fortunately or unfortunately, there is a thriving cottage industry among the right-wing commentariat that is very keen to remind us all that Labour lost the election. This is certainly true, but it's also true that the party turned around a catastrophic picture as far as both the polls and local elections were concerned, and emerged with an electoral map that, unlike the grim vista Corbyn inherited from Ed Miliband, suggests that defeat for the Conservatives might be accomplished in ten months not ten years. So, yes, not a defeat of the Tories. But still a result with something to cheer for Labour.

The version of history being spun by the leader's office: that the 40 per cent of the vote Corbyn got in 2017 is part of the general unravelling of the English-speaking establishment that we saw with the votes for Donald Trump and Brexit, and that the tide of history is moving their way, isn't implausible. Certainly, I'm yet to meet anyone at Westminster willing to bet large sums of money that Corbyn won't end up in Downing Street these days.

Team Corbyn at least have something resembling a narrative. On the Conservative side, what looks to be happening now is that a large chunk of the right has told itself what went wrong is that they didn't talk about austerity enough, and that a bunch of 30- and 40-somethings decided to vote Labour because of something Corbyn said about tuition fee debt in the NME.

It's true that the new operation at Downing Street has proved that it can successfully drive the story in the right-wing press. Labour's flat-footed response to the non-story did expose vulnerabilities in the opposition's set-up. But while showing they can launch a rocket of any kind is a big step up for the post-Cameron Conservatives, it should worry that party that they don't seem to have noticed that this one didn't have a ballistic payload attached. Labour may be better prepared next time.

The contrast with 2010 is marked. As one minister pointed out to me recently, after that contest, centre-right think tanks bustled with activity and ideas. Conservative Party conference was full of suggestions about what they'd do if they won a majority. An extensive post-mortem into “what went wrong” – after an election in which the Tories gained 97 seats in one night, a post-war record for that party – occurred, both publicly and privately.

It might be that I'm not as fashionable as I was two years ago, but I was invited on to more panels discussing how the Tories could do better after the 2015 election, a contest they won, than I have in 2017, after an election they lost. Policy Exchange, that old generator of Cameron-era ideas, seems to be focused on foreign policy nowadays. As for the rest of the right-wing think tanks, they are almost entirely devoted to position papers telling us all that Brexit is going brilliantly.

It's not entirely fair to say that after 2010, the Conservatives recognised they'd lost and tried to fix it, while Labour decided the 2010 election had been a type of victory and tried to re-run it in 2015, but there is more than a grain of truth in that statement. At the moment, it looks as if both parties have decided that the 2017 election was a victory and that “once more, with feeling” is all they need to get over the line next time. At least one side is on course to look very foolish. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.