Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. This budget is just as I feared (Guardian)

Only growth can save us from a lost decade, says Alistair Darling. But George Osborne is risking not just recession but depression.

2. Labour made the mess, but the Tories are only making it worse (Daily Telegraph)

The ugly truth is that there appears to be no political solution to the calamity facing us all, says Peter Oborne.

3. Shrewd politics hides brutal economics (Financial Times)

The Chancellor cannot disguise that economic outcomes are drifting further from expectations, writes Martin Wolf.

4. Trapped by his own ideology, the Chancellor is lonelier than ever (Independent)

Cabinet ministers are becoming more assertive, behind the scenes and publicly, writes Steve Richards.

5. Why we should be cautious about cheering on Cyprus's no vote (Guardian)

The main demand of this week's 'parliamentary revolt' was that Cyprus remain an offshore tax haven, writes Nikos Chrysoloras.

6. Osborne’s play for the strivers (Financial Times)

The chancellor had to revive his party’s winning tradition as the friend of the aspirational classes, writes Janan Ganesh.

7. This Budget was too hopeful. We want despair (Times)

The Chancellor calls Britain an ‘aspiration nation’, but we all know we’re in a mess, writes Matthew Parris. His best policy is to admit it.

8. George may seem unlovable but the smirking alternative would lead us to perdition (Daily Mail)

We must never forget that the only alternative government on offer will be led by Miliband and Balls, says Max Hastings.

9. Rights and wrongs of a Royal Charter (Independent)

An Independent editorial says that "with reluctance", the paper has accepted the use of a Royal Charter to create a new press regulator.

10. Good parenting can’t be measured in GDP (Daily Telegraph)

What does our Cabinet, mainly upper-class males, understand of real-world child care dilemmas, asks Allison Pearson. 

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Cabinet audit: what does the appointment of Andrea Leadsom as Environment Secretary mean for policy?

The political and policy-based implications of the new Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs.

A little over a week into Andrea Leadsom’s new role as Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra), and senior industry figures are already questioning her credentials. A growing list of campaigners have called for her resignation, and even the Cabinet Office implied that her department's responsibilities will be downgraded.

So far, so bad.

The appointment would appear to be something of a consolation prize, coming just days after Leadsom pulled out of the Conservative leadership race and allowed Theresa May to enter No 10 unopposed.

Yet while Leadsom may have been able to twist the truth on her CV in the City, no amount of tampering will improve the agriculture-related side to her record: one barely exists. In fact, recent statements made on the subject have only added to her reputation for vacuous opinion: “It would make so much more sense if those with the big fields do the sheep, and those with the hill farms do the butterflies,” she told an audience assembled for a referendum debate. No matter the livelihoods of thousands of the UK’s hilltop sheep farmers, then? No need for butterflies outside of national parks?

Normally such a lack of experience is unsurprising. The department has gained a reputation as something of a ministerial backwater; a useful place to send problematic colleagues for some sobering time-out.

But these are not normal times.

As Brexit negotiations unfold, Defra will be central to establishing new, domestic policies for UK food and farming; sectors worth around £108bn to the economy and responsible for employing one in eight of the population.

In this context, Leadsom’s appointment seems, at best, a misguided attempt to make the architects of Brexit either live up to their promises or be seen to fail in the attempt.

At worst, May might actually think she is a good fit for the job. Leadsom’s one, water-tight credential – her commitment to opposing restraints on industry – certainly has its upsides for a Prime Minister in need of an alternative to the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP); a policy responsible for around 40 per cent the entire EU budget.

Why not leave such a daunting task in the hands of someone with an instinct for “abolishing” subsidies  thus freeing up money to spend elsewhere?

As with most things to do with the EU, CAP has some major cons and some equally compelling pros. Take the fact that 80 per cent of CAP aid is paid out to the richest 25 per cent of farmers (most of whom are either landed gentry or vast, industrialised, mega-farmers). But then offset this against the provision of vital lifelines for some of the UK’s most conscientious, local and insecure of food producers.

The NFU told the New Statesman that there are many issues in need of urgent attention; from an improved Basic Payment Scheme, to guarantees for agri-environment funding, and a commitment to the 25-year TB eradication strategy. But that they also hope, above all, “that Mrs Leadsom will champion British food and farming. Our industry has a great story to tell”.

The construction of a new domestic agricultural policy is a once-in-a-generation opportunity for Britain to truly decide where its priorities for food and environment lie, as well as to which kind of farmers (as well as which countries) it wants to delegate their delivery.

In the context of so much uncertainty and such great opportunity, Leadsom has a tough job ahead of her. And no amount of “speaking as a mother” will change that.

India Bourke is the New Statesman's editorial assistant.