Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Even if Iran gets the bomb, it won’t be worth going to war (Daily Telegraph)

Containment is a better response than conflict in dealing with a country we have long mishandled, argues Jack Straw.

2. Voters expect Osborne to stay his course (Financial Times)

The British are busy hunkering down for years of squeezed living standards, writes Janan Ganesh.

3. The Lord Rennard scandal marks the moment the Lib Dems discovered they are on the big stage (Independent)

Clegg would not for a second be indifferent to precise allegations, but the response to this media frenzy does expose his party's inexperience, says Steve Richards.

4. Will EDF become the Barbra Streisand of climate protest? (Guardian)

The energy giant is part of a global strategy by corporations to stifle democracy, writes George Monbiot. Clearly it hasn't heard of the Streisand effect

5. The Lib Dems’ problem isn’t sex. It’s power (Times) (£)

Senior figures joined the party never expecting to be in the spotlight, writes Rachel Sylvester. Now it’s revealing political and personal flaws.

6. What Kerry needs to know about Iran (Financial Times)

Tehran is willing to enter into talks with the US, says Hossein Mousavian.

7. In Eastleigh, it's the worst kind of Westminster charade (Guardian)

While austerity rages on, the town's already disillusioned voters are being offered merely sordid spectacle, says Polly Toynbee.

8. A cap on bankers’ bonuses would be lunacy (Daily Telegraph)

If Europe does insist on bringing in legislation, it will make Britain’s EU exit even more likely, says Norman Lamont.

9. Downgrade exposes the myth about cuts (Daily Mail)

George Osborne must stop talking about cutting spending and actually do it, says a Daily Mail editorial. 

10. Why is free admission to art galleries and museums sacrosanct, when free swimming is not? (Independent)

Even in a time of straitened national finances, it never pays to underestimate the awesome power of the arts lobby in Britain, writes Dominic Lawson.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.