Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Labour's line in the sand on benefits (Guardian)

Ed Miliband knows that this is not the politics or economics of one nation, writes Ruth Lister.

2. The cowardice at the heart of our relationship with Israel (Daily Telegraph)

The Tories’ shameful reluctance to criticise Tel Aviv is putting any hope of peace at risk, says Peter Oborne.

3. Osborne should heed Carney’s message (Financial Times)

The new BoE governor will bring change, but not all of it welcome, says Chris Giles.

4. Toleration is the thread binding our tapestry (Times) (£)

Gay marriage, women bishops, immigration – the country is changing, says David Aaronovitch. But that won’t harm our proudest tradition.

5. The church has blown it. England's ticked that box (Guardian)

If it still nurses the dream of being the keeper of the nation's conscience, it's going to have to become more like the nation, writes Zoe Williams.

6. Philippines pays price for climate inaction (Financial Times)

In human casualty terms, typhoon Bopha is almost five times worse than hurricane Sandy, writes David Pilling.

7. Aides' threats show why MPs must not be allowed to muzzle the press (Sun)

The mouthpieces representing Mrs Miller and David Cameron have blown the myth that politicians are innocent victims of a feral press, says Trevor Kavanagh.

8. Finucane lays bare the amoral face of Britain (Independent)

Here were army, police and MI5 officers coolly deciding who should live and die, says an Independent leader.

9. There's more to diversity than statistics. We need change at the top (Guardian)

The census captures Britain's diversity, writes Suzanne Moore. Now how about changing a few key institutions to reflect the country's makeup?

10. Sir Jeremy’s Civil Service just isn’t working (Daily Telegraph)

The messy decision to split the top job has caused chaos among Whitehall’s mandarins, writes Sue Cameron.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.