New Statesman: announcing our new bloggers

Glosswitch, Martin Robbins, Bim Adewunmi, Ryan Gilbey and Kate Mossman join the "blogging powerhouse".

Five new bloggers today join the New Statesman team, writing about parenting, pop culture, film, music and science. Meet the newest additions to our "blogging powerhouse" (seriously, that's what we called it last time we had newbies). 

Glosswitch

A mother of two, and writer of the Glosswatch blog, she describes herself as a "humourless feminist in mummy blogger clothing". In her previous posts for the NS, she has dared to defend "yummy mummies" and told off Benedict Cumberbatch. She tweets @glosswitch

Go to her blog

Martin Robbins

Author of the Guardian website's Lay Scientist blog, Martin will be writing for the NS about skepticism (and scepticism), the media and sexuality. His posts might sometimes be NSFW, but will always be both entertaining and factual. He tweets @mjrobbins

Go to his blog

Bim Adewunmi

Bim blogs at Yoruba Girl Dancing and The Flick, and she will be writing a weekly column on pop culture and telly. She tweets @bimadew

Go to her blog 

Ryan Gilbey

The New Statesman magazine's film critic now has his own dedicated blog on the site (he's a StumbleUpon crowd favourite). Ryan blogs about films with authority, puns and love. 

Go to his blog

Kate Mossman

The New Statesman magazine's pop critic will be writing an extra weekly piece for the website on "pop" music (whatever that means these days). She recently wrote about the 30th anniversary of Michael Jackson's Thriller, which you can read here.

Go to her blog

Our five new writers join our existing blogging team:

David Allen Green on law Go to his blog

Laurie Penny on politics, pop culture and feminism Go to her blog

Mehdi Hasan on world affairs Go to his blog

The Vagenda on magazines and media Go to their blog

Nicky Woolf from America Go to his blog

Helen Lewis on games, satire and anything else, really Go to her blog

Nelson Jones on belief and religion Go to his blog

Steven Baxter on the media Go to his blog

Rowenna Davis on politics outside Westminster Go to her blog

Gavin Kelly on economics and evidence Go to his blog

Martha Gill on psychology and neuroscience Go to her blog

John Stoehr on US politics Go to his blog

Alex Hern on the internet (it's a series of tubes, apparently) Go to his blog

Michael Brooks on science and discovery Go to his blog

Samira Shackle from Pakistan Go to her blog

Alan White on social affairs and society Go to his blog

Juliet Jacques on culture and counter-culture Go to her blog

Alex Andreou on finance and Europe Go to his blog

Helen Lewis is deputy editor of the New Statesman. She has presented BBC Radio 4’s Week in Westminster and is a regular panellist on BBC1’s Sunday Politics.

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Is defeat in Stoke the beginning of the end for Paul Nuttall?

The Ukip leader was his party's unity candidate. But after his defeat in Stoke, the old divisions are beginning to show again

In a speech to Ukip’s spring conference in Bolton on February 17, the party’s once and probably future leader Nigel Farage laid down the gauntlet for his successor, Paul Nuttall. Stoke’s by-election was “fundamental” to the future of the party – and Nuttall had to win.
 
One week on, Nuttall has failed that test miserably and thrown the fundamental questions hanging over Ukip’s future into harsh relief. 

For all his bullish talk of supplanting Labour in its industrial heartlands, the Ukip leader only managed to increase the party’s vote share by 2.2 percentage points on 2015. This paltry increase came despite Stoke’s 70 per cent Brexit majority, and a media narrative that was, until the revelations around Nuttall and Hillsborough, talking the party’s chances up.
 
So what now for Nuttall? There is, for the time being, little chance of him resigning – and, in truth, few inside Ukip expected him to win. Nuttall was relying on two well-rehearsed lines as get-out-of-jail free cards very early on in the campaign. 

The first was that the seat was a lowly 72 on Ukip’s target list. The second was that he had been leader of party whose image had been tarnished by infighting both figurative and literal for all of 12 weeks – the real work of his project had yet to begin. 

The chances of that project ever succeeding were modest at the very best. After yesterday’s defeat, it looks even more unlikely. Nuttall had originally stated his intention to run in the likely by-election in Leigh, Greater Manchester, when Andy Burnham wins the Greater Manchester metro mayoralty as is expected in May (Wigan, the borough of which Leigh is part, voted 64 per cent for Brexit).

If he goes ahead and stands – which he may well do – he will have to overturn a Labour majority of over 14,000. That, even before the unedifying row over the veracity of his Hillsborough recollections, was always going to be a big challenge. If he goes for it and loses, his leadership – predicated as it is on his supposed ability to win votes in the north - will be dead in the water. 

Nuttall is not entirely to blame, but he is a big part of Ukip’s problem. I visited Stoke the day before The Guardian published its initial report on Nuttall’s Hillsborough claims, and even then Nuttall’s campaign manager admitted that he was unlikely to convince the “hard core” of Conservative voters to back him. 

There are manifold reasons for this, but chief among them is that Nuttall, despite his newfound love of tweed, is no Nigel Farage. Not only does he lack his name recognition and box office appeal, but the sad truth is that the Tory voters Ukip need to attract are much less likely to vote for a party led by a Scouser whose platform consists of reassuring working-class voters their NHS and benefits are safe.
 
It is Farage and his allies – most notably the party’s main donor Arron Banks – who hold the most power over Nuttall’s future. Banks, who Nuttall publicly disowned as a non-member after he said he was “sick to death” of people “milking” the Hillsborough disaster, said on the eve of the Stoke poll that Ukip had to “remain radical” if it wanted to keep receiving his money. Farage himself has said the party’s campaign ought to have been “clearer” on immigration. 

Senior party figures are already briefing against Nuttall and his team in the Telegraph, whose proprietors are chummy with the beer-swilling Farage-Banks axis. They deride him for his efforts to turn Ukip into “NiceKip” or “Nukip” in order to appeal to more women voters, and for the heavy-handedness of his pitch to Labour voters (“There were times when I wondered whether I’ve got a purple rosette or a red one on”, one told the paper). 

It is Nuttall’s policy advisers - the anti-Farage awkward squad of Suzanne Evans, MEP Patrick O’Flynn (who famously branded Farage "snarling, thin-skinned and aggressive") and former leadership candidate Lisa Duffy – come in for the harshest criticism. Herein lies the leader's almost impossible task. Despite having pitched to members as a unity candidate, the two sides’ visions for Ukip are irreconcilable – one urges him to emulate Trump (who Nuttall says he would not have voted for), and the other urges a more moderate tack. 

Endorsing his leader on Question Time last night, Ukip’s sole MP Douglas Carswell blamed the legacy of the party’s Tea Party-inspired 2015 general election campaign, which saw Farage complain about foreigners with HIV using the NHS in ITV’s leaders debate, for the party’s poor performance in Stoke. Others, such as MEP Bill Etheridge, say precisely the opposite – that Nuttall must be more like Farage. 

Neither side has yet called for Nuttall’s head. He insists he is “not going anywhere”. With his febrile party no stranger to abortive coup and counter-coup, he is unlikely to be the one who has the final say.