Morning Call:pick of the papers

Ten must-read pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Israel and Palestine's leaders - and cheerleaders - have failed them again (Guardian)

Jonathan Freedland gives eloquent voice to the despair of those who prefer not treat Middle East conflict as a platform to rehearse old tribal positions. 

2. The press should hug the Leveson report in a grim embrace of welcome (Telegraph)

Newspapers are reacting to the idea of regulation like bolshie shop stewards in the early 80s, writes Charles Moore.

3. Church and state must loosen their bonds (Times)

Matthew Parris sees 'limited and piecemeal' disestablishment as the only plausible way forward for the Church of England.

4. Everyone's a winner in Brussels (Independent)

Leading article sees the bright side of an EU summit failure to get a budget deal.

5. Bright idea that may end up costing more (FT)

'Undercover Economist' Tim Harford unpicks the government's energy tariff reform plans.

6. Why Cameron will regret his 'fruitcakes and loonies' insult (Daily Mail)

Simon Heffer sees Ukip as a sanctuary for authentic Tories chased away from their party by David Cameron.

7. Morsi's mistake (FT)

Leading article urges Egypt's president to reverse power-grabbing, anti-democratic decree.

8. The 'nutrition gap' between Britain's rich and poor is vast - and wicked (Guardian)

The reasons are complex, but it is still a disgrace that healthy eating is the preserve of the well-off, writes Ian Jack

9. The BBC can get out of this hole (Telegraph)

Former Director General Greg Dyke gives his tuppence worth on the problems with BBC governance.

10. End the loneliness of the long-running life (Times)

Other countries are well ahead of the UK in understanding the civilised way to grow old, writes Janice Turner.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.