Labour’s family roots

The “big society” is a myth. It’s high time the left wrested community engagement back from the Tori

David Cameron's idea of the "big society" has been widely derided. It is commonly seen - even by other Tory politicians - as a way of dressing up public-sector cuts. One anonymous Conservative MP described it as "complete crap". Another, David Davis, summed up his colleagues' basic position. "The corollary of the big society is the smaller state," he said. "If you talk about the small state, people think that you are Attila the Hun. If you talk about the big society, they think that you are Mother Teresa."

Left-of-centre comment has been almost as contemptuous, arguing that most people do not want to get home after a hard day's work only to attend endless meetings about organising local services. Another objection to devolving power in this way is that many inner-city communities are an ethnic mosaic. The danger is that those with the time, confidence, literacy and social capital to run "community" organisations will not represent the community as a whole.

Despite the derision, Cameron persists with the idea, which he launched in Liverpool this summer. There is something about Tory politicians and Liverpool. Michael Heseltine went there after the riots in 1981 and named himself minister for the city. Fearing the rage of the urban mob, Heseltine didn't mess around with namby-pamby ideas such as the big society. He strong-armed money out of big business and his government colleagues with a statement about Liverpool's citizens: "These people are burning this city. If we let them, they will burn others."

While Heseltine was a cheerful proponent of large-scale state intervention, Cameron has a very different approach. He says that he wants to empower communities to start doing things for themselves. Conveniently, this will save the government money at a time when it is seeking to cut billions in public expenditure.

And yet, is it right to dismiss the notion of strengthening families, social networks and communities just because the words come from Tory lips? Why should my party allow the Conservatives to appropriate the idea of supporting mutual societies and co-operatives, which are such an important part of Labour's heritage? The provincial building societies of the Victorian era represented the apotheosis of respectable, working-class self-help, while the co-operative movement was a founder of the Labour Party and remains affiliated to this day.

Community service

Hackney, one of the poorest areas of the capital and in the whole country, has been the lucky recipient of every form of state intervention and aid since the days of Heseltine. But the government has been far more successful in regenerating buildings in such areas than in regenerating people. The combination of a ben­efi­cent Labour mayor of London and a beneficent Labour government led to huge im- provements to the borough's infrastructure over the past decade. We now have a new London Overground line, better bus services and sparkling new stations; and millions have been spent on doing up estates. But fixing family structures and community relations has proved more of a challenge.

Primary school teachers in Hackney report to me the disturbed behaviour of some children entering school for the first time. The impact on children's attitudes of being raised by mothers rendered neglectful by drug abuse, without extended families, can be dramatic. Less dramatic - but just as potentially damaging to their long-term life chances - is the incidence of children starting school who have not been spoken to regularly. Young mothers often deliver their children to school with earphones firmly in their ears. Motherhood is kitting out tots in designer clothes, but not communicating with them. I find this unbelievable. Growing up in a noisy, West Indian extended family in the 1960s, you were never short of adults talking to you, at you and around you. It's not like that for many young people today. Family and community relationships have degenerated as our buildings have become shiny and new.

It is clear that something has happened to family cohesion when people crowd in front of TV cameras to blame social workers each time a child dies at the hands of a relative. Sometimes, I wonder: what did they do? Don't they take any responsibility for the grandchild or niece? Have we subcontracted responsibility for our families to underpaid state employees?

It is no wonder that working-class boys of any race fail at school, if they grow up on an estate where they rarely see a man going to work regularly, let alone reading a book. For decades, politicians have debated the problem of single-mother households, but there needs to be a little more debate about the men who leave.

The history of the Child Support Agency proves that there is no quick fix. It was established by a Tory government with Labour support. The consensus was that it would force feckless, working-class men to face up to their responsibilities. But the agency had no impact, as the men didn't have jobs that would enable them to pay. And middle-class men rose up in fury when the agency thwarted their ability to walk away from their families and trade their wives in for younger models. Politicians have backed away from the matter ever since.

Perhaps I take such a strong view on issues of self-help and solidarity because I come from an immigrant family. Social solidarity and strong family networks were vital for survival in rural Jamaica, and even more vital when people migrated here. New migrants would rely on family for their first place to live, for help in getting a job and all the sorts of practical support that social workers nowadays attempt to supply. Because community networks are so important to immigrant groups, they tend to value them and retain them long after the group as a whole has moved on and up the social ladder.

Family values

I reject the idea of a "broken Britain". I know too many hard-working volunteers and too much unsung neighbourliness for that. Nor do I demonise young men in the inner city. I believe in strong, properly funded state institutions with paid staff. Yet money alone cannot cure all the ills of our communities. Family and community should take centre stage in the debate about what the Labour Party is for.

New Labour frayed some of the ties that hold communities together. It regarded co-ops and mutual organisation as dusty and old-fashioned compared to the bright and shiny free markets and international financial services. Now that we have seen the terrible damage those markets can do, the moment has come to rediscover some of the old models. They might provide fitting structures for banks such as Northern Rock, now owned by the government.

The movement that was born of the best of working-class self-help and self-organisation should be leading this debate.

Diane Abbott MP is a candidate for the Labour leadership

Diane Abbott is MP for Hackney North and Stoke Newington.

This article first appeared in the 20 September 2010 issue of the New Statesman, Catholicism in crisis

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When it comes to responding to Islamic State, there is no middle ground

If Britain has a declared interest in curtailing Islamic State and stabilising Syria, it is neither honourable nor viable to let others intervene on our behalf.

Even before the brutal terrorist attacks in Paris, British foreign policy was approaching a crossroads. Now it is time, in the words of Barack Obama, addressing his fellow leaders at the G20 Summit in Turkey on 16 November, “to step up with the resources that this fight demands”, or stand down.

The jihadist threat metastasises, and international order continues to unravel at an alarming rate. A Russian civilian charter plane is blown out of the sky over the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt, killing 224 people, most of them returning from holiday, and the various offshoots of Islamic State bare their teeth in a succession of brutal attacks in France, Lebanon, Tunisia, Turkey and further afield. Our enemies are emboldened and our friends want to know to what extent we stand with them. The UK can no longer afford to postpone decisions that it has evaded since the Commons vote of August 2013, in which the government was defeated over the question of joining US-led air strikes against President Bashar al-Assad’s regime following a chemical weapons attack on Syrian civilians. MPs’ continued introspection is on the verge of becoming both irresponsible and morally questionable. There is no fence left to sit on.

On Sunday night, two days after the Paris attacks, the French – with US support – launched a series of bombing raids against Islamic State targets in Raqqa. With much more to come, the choice facing this country may not be easier but it is certainly clearer. Britain must determine whether it wants to be a viable and genuine partner in the fight against Islamic State, and in the long-term efforts to bring an end to the assorted evils of the Syrian civil war; or whether we are content to sit on the sidelines and cheer on former team-mates without getting our knees dirty. We can join our two most important allies – France and the United States, at the head of a coalition involving a number of Arab and other European states – in confronting a threat that potentially is as grave to us as it is to France, and certainly more dangerous than it is to the US. Alternatively, we can gamble that others will do the work for us, keep our borders tighter than ever, double down on surveillance (because that will certainly be one of the prices to pay) and hope that the Channel and the security services keep us comparatively safe. There is no fantasy middle ground, where we can shirk our share of the burden on the security front while leading the rest of the world in some sort of diplomatic breakthrough in Syria; or win a reprieve from the jihadists for staying out of Syria (yet hit them in Iraq), through our benevolence in opening the door to tens of thousands of refugees, or by distancing ourselves from the ills of Western foreign policy.

That the international community – or what is left of it – has not got its act together on Syria over the past three years has afforded Britain some space to indulge its scruples. Nonetheless, even before the Paris attacks, the matter was coming to the boil again. A vote on the expansion of air operations against Islamic State has been mooted since the start of this year, but was put on the back burner because of the May general election. The government has treated parliament with caution since its much-discussed defeat in the House in summer 2013. The existing policy – of supporting coalition air strikes against Islamic State in Iraq but not Syria – is itself an outgrowth of an awkward compromise between David Cameron and Ed Miliband, an attempt to reverse some of the damage done by the 2013 vote in parliament.

The Conservatives have waited to see where the ground lies in a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party before attempting to take the issue back before the Commons. Labour pleaded for more time when Corbyn was elected, but there is no sign that the Labour leader is willing to shift in his hostility to any form of intervention. More significantly, he has now ruled out Labour holding a free vote on the matter.

If anything, the coalition of Little Englanders, anti-interventionists and anti-Americans in the House of Commons seems to have dug its trenches deeper. This leaves the Prime Minister with few options. One is to use the Royal Prerogative to announce that an ally has been attacked, and that we will stand with her in joining attacks against Islamic State in Syria. The moment for this has probably already passed, though the prerogative might still be invoked if Isis scores a direct hit against the UK. Yet even then, there would be problems with this line. A striking aspect of the killing of 30 Britons in the June attacks in Sousse, Tunisia, is just how little domestic political impact it seems to have made.

Another option for Cameron is to try to make one final effort to win a parliamentary majority, but this is something that Tory whips are not confident of achieving. The most likely scenario is that he will be forced to accept a further loss of the UK’s leverage and its standing among allies. Co-operation will certainly come on the intelligence front but this is nothing new. Meanwhile, the government will be forced to dress up its position in as much grand diplomatic verbiage as possible, to obfuscate the reality of the UK’s diminishing influence.

Already, speaking at the G20 Summit, the Prime Minister emphasised the need to show MPs a “whole plan for the future of Syria, the future of the region, because it is perfectly right to say that a few extra bombs and missiles won’t transform the situation”. In principle, it is hard to argue with this. But no such plan will emerge in the short term. The insistence that Assad must go may be right but it is the equivalent of ordering the bill at a restaurant before you have taken your seat. In practice, it means subcontracting out British national security to allies (such as the US, France and Australia) who are growing tired of our inability to pull our weight, and false friends or enemies (such as Russia and Iran), who have their own interests in Syria which do not necessarily converge with our own.

One feature of the 2013 Syria vote was the government’s failure to do the required groundwork in building a parliamentary consensus. Whips have spent the summer scouting the ground but to no avail. “The Labour Party is a different organisation to that which we faced before the summer,” Philip Hammond, the Foreign Secretary, has said. It is ironic, then, that the Prime Minister has faced strongest criticism from the Labour benches. “Everyone wants to see nations planning for increased stability in the region beyond the military defeat of the extremists,” says John Woodcock, the chairman of the Parliamentary Labour Party defence committee, “but after two years of pussy-footing around, this just smacks of David Cameron playing for time when he should be showing leadership.”

The real story is not the distance between the two front benches but the divisions within both parties. There are as many as 30 Conservative MPs said to be willing to rebel if parliament is asked to vote for joining the coalition against Islamic State in Syria. It seems that the scale of the Paris attacks has not changed their position. A larger split in the Labour ranks also seems likely. Even before Paris, there were rumoured to be roughly 50 MPs ready to defy their leader on this question.


At first, in the wake of last week’s attacks, it seemed as if the Prime Minister might force the issue. To this end, he began the G20 in Turkey with a bilateral meeting with President Putin. His carefully chosen words before and after that discussion, in which he was much more emollient about Moscow’s role, showed the extent to which he was prepared to adapt to the changing situation. Cameron hoped that if he could show progress in building an international coalition on the diplomatic front, that might just give him enough to get over the line in a parliamentary vote.

This new approach has not had the desired effect. At the time of writing, the government believes it is too risky to call another vote in the short term. It calculates another defeat would hugely diminish Britain’s standing in the world. In truth, the government was already swimming upstream. On 29 October, the Conservative-
dominated Commons foreign affairs select committee, chaired by Crispin Blunt, released a report on the extension of British military operations into Syria, in anticipation of government bringing forward a parliamentary vote on the question. The report recommended that Britain should avoid further involvement unless a series of questions could be answered about exit strategy and long-term goals. The bar was set deliberately high, to guard against any further involvement (even the limited option of joining the existing coalition undertaking air strikes against IS in Syria).

The most flimsy of the five objections to further intervention in the report was that it will somehow diminish the UK’s leverage as an impartial arbiter and potential peacemaker. This is based on an absurd overestimation of the UK as some sort of soft-power saviour, valued by all parties for its impartiality in Middle Eastern affairs. Britain cannot hope to have any influence on policy if it is always last to sign up while others put their lives on the line. As so often in the past, what masquerades as tough-minded “realpolitik” is nothing of the sort. It is just another post-facto rationale for inaction.

Although it is sometimes said that Britain has yet to recover from the consequences of the invasion of Iraq, the committee report had a retro, 1990s feel. Many of the objections raised to burden-sharing in Syria were the same as those raised against humanitarian intervention in the Balkans two decades ago, when Blunt was working as special adviser to Michael Rifkind as defence and foreign secretary, and the UK was at the forefront of non-intervention. Likewise, two of the committee’s Labour members, Ann Clwyd and Mike Gapes, were veterans of the other side of that debate, and strong supporters of the Nato intervention in Kosovo in 1999. They expressed their dissent from the report’s conclusions but were voted down by their Conservative and SNP fellow committee members. “Non-intervention also has consequences,” said Gapes when he broke rank. “We should not be washing our hands and saying, ‘It’s too difficult.’”

Polling figures have shown majority public support for air strikes against IS since the spate of gruesome public executions that began last year, but nothing seems to change the calculus of the rump of anti-interventionist MPs.

All this promises an uncertain future for British foreign policy. On 6 November, the Defence Secretary, Michael Fallon, suggested that the UK’s existing position, of joining the coalition in Iraq but stopping at the borders of Syria, is “morally indefensible”. The killing of Mohammed Emwazi, aka “Jihadi John”, by a US predator drone on 12 November demonstrates what he meant. Emwazi was a Briton who was responsible for the beheading of British and American citizens, as well as countless Syrians. While the UK government was closely involved in that operation – and has previously used the justification of “self-defence” to “take out” targets in Syria – such are the restrictions placed upon it that we are forced to ask our allies to conduct potentially lethal operations (which are in our core national interests) on our behalf. The very act of “self-defence” is subcontracted out once again.

How long can this last when Islamic State poses a much greater threat to the UK than it does to the US? There is an issue of responsibility, too, with hundreds of British citizens fighting for and with Islamic State who clearly pose a grave danger to other states.


The very notion that Britain should play an expansive international role is under attack from a pincer movement from both the left and the right. There are two forms of “Little Englanderism” that have made a resurgence in recent years. On the left, this is apparent in the outgrowth of a world-view that sees no role for the military, and holds that the UK is more often than not on the wrong side in matters of international security, whether its opponent is Russia, Iran, the IRA or Islamic State. The second, and arguably just as influential, is the Little Englanderism of the right, which encompasses a rump of Tory backbenchers and Ukip. This is a form of neo-mercantilism, a foreign policy based on trade deals and the free movement of goods that regards multilateralism, international institutions and any foreign military intervention with great suspicion, as a costly distraction from the business of filling our pockets.

The time is ripe for long-term, hard-headed and unsentimental thinking about Britain’s global role. The country is not served well by the impression of British “decline” and “retreat” that has gained ground in recent times; and it is no safer for it, either. Given how quickly the security and foreign policy environment is changing, the publication of the Strategic Defence and Security Review in the coming week, alongside an update of the National Security Strategy, is likely to raise more questions than it answers. The officials responsible for its drafting do not have an easy brief, and news forecasting is a thankless task. Strategic vision and leadership must come from our elected politicians.

For all the talk of British decline, we are still one of the five wealthiest nations in the world. What we do matters, particularly at moments when our friends are under attack. However, until a new broad consensus emerges between the mainstream Labour and Conservative positions on foreign policy, the Little England coalition will continue to have the casting vote.

Syria continues to bleed profusely and the blood seeps deeper into different countries. There will be no political solution to the civil war there for the foreseeable future; to pretend that there is a hidden diplomatic solution is to wish to turn the clock back to 2011, when that might have been possible. Nor is the security situation any easier to deal with. A few hours before the attacks in Paris began, President Obama gave an interview in which he argued that he had successfully “contained” Islamic State. For the wider Middle East and Europe, that is simply not the case. Now, France will escalate its campaign, and the US will do more. Russia already has troops on the ground and will most likely send reinforcements.

The war in Syria is becoming more complicated and even more dangerous. The best that can be hoped for is that the Syrian ulcer can be cauterised. This will be achieved through the blunting of Islamic State, simultaneous pressure on Assad, and the creation of more safe places for Syrians. All roads are littered with difficulties and dangers. Yet, in the face of this ugly reality, is Britain to signal its intention to do less as every other major actor – friend and foe alike – does more? If we have a declared national interest in curtailing Islamic State and stabilising Syria – both because of the growing terrorist threat and because of the huge flow of refugees – then it is neither honourable nor viable to let others take care of it on our behalf.

John Bew is an NS contributing writer. His new book, “Realpolitik: a History”, is newly published by Oxford University Press

This article first appeared in the 19 November 2015 issue of the New Statesman, The age of terror