Religion must not block progress

The Commons has usually debated and voted sensibly over on issues such as embryology. Will members -

Finally, on 19 May, MPs will get their chance to lay hands on the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill. After waiting weeks to discover if they would be allowed free votes over its most contentious elements, the bill is now to be subjected to the amendments desperately sought by religious and right-wing groups: curtailing stem-cell research, stopping the creation of saviour siblings and ensuring the naming and tracing of sperm donors. I look forward to a good punch-up . . . and defeat for the godly interventionists. The alternative - their victory - is too unpleasant to contemplate.

We should say it loudly and clearly. This bill, an updating of rules concerning fertility treatments and stem-cell science, is a critical piece of legislation which will ensure that Britain continues to play a vital role in international science and will help British researchers develop treatments for Parkinson's, Alzheimer's, diabetes and heart conditions. Weaken it, and we will blunt scientists' powers to help the sick.

The issue goes beyond medical science. Many religious leaders - in particular the strident right of the Catholic Church - in an attempt to block the passage of the bill, have made claims of breath-taking inaccuracy and dishonesty. Should they succeed in watering it down, a most unfortunate and distasteful precedent will have been set.

An example is provided by Scotland's Cardinal Keith O'Brien, who claimed that "we are about to have a public government endorsement of experiments of Frankenstein proportion". The bill, he said, was "a monstrous attack" on human rights and dignity, presumably meaning the dignity of the unborn, as opposed to the dignity of Alzheimer's or Parkinson's sufferers who will be denied prospective treatments if he has his way.

His Easter Sunday speech is one of several made by senior clergymen and aimed at the "militantly atheist and secularist lobby" which, according to Tom Wright, the Bishop of Durham, is trying to "kill unborn children and surplus old people".

This is pernicious drivel by any standard: the remark about killing the old was an outrageous untruth, and the comparison with Frankenstein just daft. Scientists want to create hybrid human-animal embryos for their stem cells (whose DNA will be 99 per cent human) to learn how to use them as sources for making brain, heart or pancreatic tissue. No embryo will be kept alive beyond 14 days. There will be no cadaver composed of organs of criminals and no bringing it to life in the middle of a thunderstorm. By contrast, a few cells will be stored in test tubes for brief periods.

Right-wing amenders point out that no treatments from embryonic stem cells have yet been developed. Again, this is misleading. No treatments have been developed for the simple reason that the science is in its infancy. Hence the introduction of this bill - to encourage the necessary research. In short, we should give scientists time.

And consider the issue of a child's need to have "supportive parenting" if he or she is to be conceived by in vitro fertilisation. Pro-life MPs, led by the former Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith and Labour's Geraldine Smith, want this replaced with words about a child's "need for a father". This would almost certainly be interpreted as meaning that IVF could only be given to women who can name the man providing the sperm for fertilisation. Anonymous donations would be forbidden - no problem for women in steady heterosexual relationships, but a real headache for single and lesbian women seeking IVF, who could be blocked from receiving such treatment.

Amenders defend their plans by saying that children ought to know who their father is and accuse the bill's backers of "hammering a nail into the coffin of the traditional family". Without fathers, boys join gangs and teenage girls become pregnant, it is claimed. But the argument is specious. The numbers born through IVF are small. The "horrors" that amenders see on our council estates have a completely different cause. Their proposal looks more like discrimination against single women and lesbians than an effort to help society.

There are, in short, nasty undercurrents to a bill that should be seen as an attempt to help science serve society. The House of Commons has usually debated and voted sensibly over such issues. Will members - particularly those who are Catholic - hold their nerve and do the right thing on this occasion?

Robin McKie is the Observer's science editor

This article first appeared in the 19 May 2008 issue of the New Statesman, Secret Israel

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A simple U-Turn may not be enough to get the Conservatives out of their tax credit mess

The Tories are in a mess over cuts to tax credits. But a mere U-Turn may not be enough to fix the problem. 

A spectre is haunting the Conservative party - the spectre of tax credit cuts. £4.4bn worth of cuts to the in-work benefits - which act as a top-up for lower-paid workers - will come into force in April 2016, the start of the next tax year - meaning around three million families will be £1,000 worse off. For most dual-earner families affected, that will be the equivalent of a one partner going without pay for an entire month.

The politics are obviously fairly toxic: as one Conservative MP remarked to me before the election, "show me 1,000 people in my constituency who would happily take a £1,000 pay cut, then we'll cut welfare". Small wonder that Boris Johnson is already making loud noises about the coming cuts, making his opposition to them a central plank of his 

Tory nerves were already jittery enough when the cuts were passed through the Commons - George Osborne had to personally reassure Conservative MPs that the cuts wouldn't result in the nightmarish picture being painted by Labour and the trades unions. Now that Johnson - and the Sun - have joined in the chorus of complaints.

There are a variety of ways the government could reverse or soften the cuts. The first is a straightforward U-Turn: but that would be politically embarrassing for Osborne, so it's highly unlikely. They could push back the implementation date - as one Conservative remarked - "whole industries have arranged their operations around tax credits now - we should give the care and hospitality sectors more time to prepare". Or they could adjust the taper rates - the point in your income  at which you start losing tax credits, taking away less from families. But the real problem for the Conservatives is that a mere U-Turn won't be enough to get them out of the mire. 

Why? Well, to offset the loss, Osborne announced the creation of a "national living wage", to be introduced at the same time as the cuts - of £7.20 an hour, up 50p from the current minimum wage.  In doing so, he effectively disbanded the Low Pay Commission -  the independent body that has been responsible for setting the national minimum wage since it was introduced by Tony Blair's government in 1998.  The LPC's board is made up of academics, trade unionists and employers - and their remit is to set a minimum wage that provides both a reasonable floor for workers without costing too many jobs.

Osborne's "living wage" fails at both counts. It is some way short of a genuine living wage - it is 70p short of where the living wage is today, and will likely be further off the pace by April 2016. But, as both business-owners and trade unionists increasingly fear, it is too high to operate as a legal minimum. (Remember that the campaign for a real Living Wage itself doesn't believe that the living wage should be the legal wage.) Trade union organisers from Usdaw - the shopworkers' union - and the GMB - which has a sizable presence in the hospitality sector -  both fear that the consequence of the wage hike will be reductions in jobs and hours as employers struggle to meet the new cost. Large shops and hotel chains will simply take the hit to their profit margins or raise prices a little. But smaller hotels and shops will cut back on hours and jobs. That will hit particularly hard in places like Cornwall, Devon, and Britain's coastal areas - all of which are, at the moment, overwhelmingly represented by Conservative MPs. 

The problem for the Conservatives is this: it's easy to work out a way of reversing the cuts to tax credits. It's not easy to see how Osborne could find a non-embarrassing way out of his erzatz living wage, which fails both as a market-friendly minimum and as a genuine living wage. A mere U-Turn may not be enough.

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.