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Is Francois Fillon Marine Le Pen's dream opponent?

The former French prime minister's unexpected surge puts him in the box seat for the Republican nomination - and the French presidency. 

Former French president Nicolas Sarkozy's comeback bid ended in ignominy yesterday after a chastening third-place finish in the Republican primary, ending his hopes of being the centre-right candidate for the French presidency. That we expected from the polls - but what we didn't expect was the surge for Francois Fillon, former prime minister, beating Alain Juppé, anotherformer French prime minister into first place.

Fillon is as close to French politics gets to a Thatcherite ultra - read this very good Anne-Sylvaine Chassany interview with him to get a measure of who he is - which has some commentators nervous that if, he, not the more centrist Juppé, faces Marine Le Pen in the second round, he will lose, as leftwingers stay at home. 

(For those of you who aren't au fait with the French electoral system: you have two rounds. If no candidate secures more than half of the vote in the first round, the top two go through to a second round, held in this case next Sunday. Le Pen is widely expected to lead in the first round and then lose in the second. It is highly likely that it will be the Republican candidate that makes it into the second round with her.)

Are they right? Well, no-one has gone broke betting on the far right in recent years (which is more than can be said for betting on sterling) but there is plenty of reason not to get out the bunting for Le Pen just yet. 

Fillon's chances are good - that the beaten Sarkozy has endorsed him, not Juppé, is a measure of the challenge that Juppé faces - but 15 per cent of voters in the primary yesterday came from the left and there may be more in the second round. Juppé's chances aren't quite gone yet, though Fillon looks the favourite by some distance.

And while I am reluctant to generalize from the thin anecdotal pool of a handful of friends in the French socialist party, my sense is that for all there is a political gap between Juppé and Fillion, the two men are both hated on the left.  Unlike Sarkozy, however, neither is loathed, meaning that the so-called "Republican front" - the historical alliance of non-extremist parties against the parties of the fringe -  is as likely to hold for Fillon as for Juppé.

But if it is Fillon, it will have big consequences. Not for Brexit, where both men - as with most of the French establishment - are unsympathetic to Britain. (And as I've written before, both will be preoccupied with containing Le Pen, which means giving Britain as raw a deal as possible.) But Fillon, crucially, is pro-Putin, and believes that a deal must be done with Russia and Bashar-Al-Assad to combat the soi-disant Islamic State, which will, after Trump's victory, further orient the powers of the West in Putin's direction.

One heck of an intray for the new leader of the free world aka Angela Merkel.

This originally appeared in today’s Morning Call, your daily guide to everything that’s moving in politics, in Westminster and beyond, to which you can subscribe here

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

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Philip Hammond's modest break with George Osborne could become more radical

The new Chancellor softened, rather than abandoned, austerity. But Brexit could change his course. 

The age of the imperial Chancellor is over. Gordon Brown and George Osborne relished in the theatricality of the Autumn Statement, springing policy surprises and roaming across departments.

Philip Hammond today drew the curtain on this era. As he paid tribute to a watching Osborne, he added: "My style will, of course, be different from his." He would "prove no more adept at pulling rabbits from hats" than "[the] Foreign Secretary has been at retrieving balls from the back of scrums" (a jibe which visibly unsettled Boris Johnson).

The new Chancellor was true to his word. His only surprise announcement was an anti-rabbit: the abolition of the Autumn Statement. Hammond has ended what was a second Budget in all but name. The effect was slightly undermined by the announcement of a Spring Statement (responding to the OBR's forecasts). But the change in style was unmistakeable. Hammond promised to avoid "a long list of individual projects being supported", casting himself as the nation's accountant, rather than an aspirant prime minister. 

But what of the substance? Osborne vowed in 2015 to deliver a budget surplus by the end of this parliament. Since then, as Hammond understatedly remarked, "times have moved on." The Leave vote, and the £59bn hit anticipated from Brexit, has ended what little hope there was of eliminating the deficit. The dry Hammond is no Keynesian but he recognises that the facts have changed. The ambition of a surplus has been postponed until the next parliament, with cyclically-adjusted borrowing only required to fall below 2 per cent by the end of this one (a looser target than Labour's). The national debt, which will peak at 90.2 per cent in 2017-18, is similarly not due to decline until 2020. 

In an age of uncertainty, Hammond has insured himself against economic calamity. But he deployed little of his potential firepower today. Though he explicitly borrowed to invest (as Ed Balls, rather than Osborne, proposed in 2015), he did so modestly: £23bn over five years. Austerity, Hammond made clear, has been modified, rather than abandoned. The departmental spending cuts announced last autumn remain in place and planned welfare reducations were softened, not scrapped. There was no new money for the NHS despite an ever-greater funding crisis. 

Osborne is gone, but Osbornomics endures. At Prime Minister's Questions, immediately before the Autumn Statement, Theresa May declared: "Austerity is about us living within our means". Yet Brexit, and all that could follow from it, could force its abandonment. If the "just managing" can manage no more, it would take a brave government to impose further deprivation. The sober Hammond is hoping for the best but preparing for the worst. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.