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When he set up a committee on smog in 1952, Harold Macmillan, then the local government minister, said: “We cannot do very much, but we can seem to be very busy.” I suspect it is in the
I arrived in Boston on the night of the third and last presidential debate – which focused solely on foreign policy.
British voters do not judge prime ministers according to their popularity abroad, which is lucky for David Cameron, who is pretty friendless right now.
Hugh Grant is starting to annoy people. “Who does the guy think he is?” one exasperated shadow cabinet member asked me.
If Barack Obama has fallen short of the expectations of many of his supporters, it is partly because they were so high to begin with.
The Australian parliament building reeks of floor polish. The wooden floors shine so virtuously they reflect the cartoon-like portraits of prime ministers, bewigged judges and viceroys.
Mistrust is deepening between the Europhobic David Cameron and the Eurofanatic Nick Clegg.
Room number two of Perth’s Salutation Hotel is where Prince Charles Edward Stuart, the Young Pretender, stayed one night in 1745.
If there is such a thing as a good booing, Ed Miliband got one at an anti-austerity rally in London on 20 October.
David Cameron will be remembered by history as, among other things, the last leader of the Conservative party to support British membership of the European Union.
Until the 1980s, American conservatives used to pride themselves on being no-nonsense, hard-headed pragmatists with their feet firmly planted on the ground.
One of David Cameron’s earliest and best insights was that as long as the Conservatives appeared obsessed with issues such as Europe, immigration, “benefit scroungers” and cr
The annual party conference season reveals so much about politics and so little. The paradox has a simple explanation.
Britain’s main political parties are very diverse coalitions, made up of all kinds of different groups.