The new boss? Peter Robinson casts his vote in Belfast. Photo:Getty
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What does the DUP's first demand in a hung parliament mean?

Peter Robinson has declared his first prerequisite for his party's support in the event of a hung parliament. What does it mean, and how would it work?

Peter Robinson, the DUPs leader and First Minister in Northern Ireland has declared that in the case of a hung parliament the DUP would demand the creation of a Commission on the Union as a non-negotiable condition of their support.  This commission would seek to address the growing interest in separatism and nationalist parties, following the unexpected levels of support in the 2014 campaign for Scottish Independence and the predicted surge in SNP support at the general election.

Robinson argues that it is important not to punish Scotland for voting SNP but to look at why the Scottish people, who have historically voted by and large for Labour, have turned their back on the more traditional pro-union party. Labour have taken polls showing SNP gains at their expense seriously, they are reported to have turned their attention away from the majority of their Scottish seats to focus on and attempt to save their more high profile seats, such as the one being fought by Jim Murphy, the leader of Scottish Labour.

However, following the election it will be interesting and important for any pro-union party, including the two major parties, to analyse why nationalist parties are growing in popularity particularly in relation to Scotland. Robinson’s proposed commission to find out why and address the problem is far more constructive than much of the coverage and reporting from the pro-union side during the referendum which regularly alleged SNP supporters were engaged in dirty tricks and thuggish behaviour.

While, as with any campaign as controversial and passionately fought as the Independence referendum there may be less than salubrious elements involved, this was a referendum that inspired a lot of people who had previously felt disenfranchised. There was particularly strong support from young Scottish voters, a demographic that usually has the lowest level of engagement and voter turnout in elections. The referendum offered 16 and 17 year olds a chance to vote for the first time and many took the opportunity. Turnout was massive, with 84.6% coming out to vote. This was an excellent opportunity to engage them in a constructive debate, rather than the scare mongering that occurred.

Robinson’s speech also referenced the other nationalist parties in Westminster, the SDLP and Plaid Cymru. However, neither of these parties have made significant gains to the point of effectively eliminating the majority of pro-union seats in their jurisdiction. Furthermore, the SDLP are on the decline, so hardly a concern, they have lost many of their seats to Sinn Féin who, as an abstentionist party, have little effect on Westminster politics.

A commission on the union could be productive if it works towards equality and strengthening the bonds of the union for all four areas of the United Kingdom. However, it is important that the commission works towards a harmonious union and is not a political tool to fight against nationalist parties. That is hardly the place of a national government. This would mean that it should be open to representatives from all Westminster parties, not just the pro-union ones as suggested. Plaid Cymru, for example, may have the ultimate goal of an independent Wales, however this is unrealistic in the short term. Therefore, it is advantageous for them to be involved in the commission if it is to the benefit of Wales. The SDLP similarly are aware that Irish re-unification is unlikely in the short term and as such work towards a better Northern Ireland in accordance with their ideological beliefs.

The only potentially problematic party would be the SNP, who managed to garner a larger than expected amount of support during the campaign for Scottish independence and have shown signs of being interested in another independence referendum in the near future. However, while it is not in the SNPs interest to strengthen the union, it is in their interest to gain the best deal possible for Scotland. To exclude them on the other hand, is likely to increase feelings of disassociation from Westminster and encourage those who think Scotland will get a fairer deal in an independent Scotland. While nationalist parties have no reason to wish to strengthen the union, they do have reason to want to be involved in getting a fairer deal for their region. Any commission should focus on a fair union and addressing citizens’ concerns about the union rather than party politics.

It is also paramount that any commission is inclusive and progressive. Robinson’s speech argued that the SNP and the ‘nationalist bloc’ would act much like the Irish nationalists fighting for independence, however this comparison is inaccurate. The history of Ireland’s inclusion in the UK is different to Scotland, its nationalists also fought for independence using both the ballot and the bullet. Finally, Irish nationalists had mass support by the time they achieved independence and independence was put to a vote in the Dáil. If another referendum is agreed and the SNP have popular support behind them, then the Scottish people have expressed their desire for independence democratically and should not be denied. The DUP cannot bring the problems of the past to a commission that should be designed to create a more harmonious union, with the input of all regions and democratically elected representatives. 

A commission to seek to strengthen the Union through consensus by investigating and addressing the causes of increasing discontent and separatist feeling should be an important part of the next government’s plans. However what the DUP proposes is exclusionary and is open to being abused for the purpose of party politics rather than good governance of the United Kingdom. The best way to deal with the separatist threat is not to exclude them, the DUP should be familiar with the absolute failure of Thatcher’s policy of excluding Sinn Féin from any peace talks in Northern Ireland, banning their voices from broadcasts and many other incidents. Any party who chooses to negotiate with the DUP should look at this proposal carefully and ensure that any commission deal will be progressive rather divisive. Organising the commission, as suggested by Robinson, with only pro-union parties involved will only lead to increasing discontent, particularly if as polls suggest the majority of Scottish MPs are SNP MPs and are therefore excluded. Strengthening the United Kingdom must involve all of the United Kingdom, not a select few. 

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How the Lib Dems learned to love all-women shortlists

Yes, the sitting Lib Dem MPs are mostly white, middle-aged middle class men. But the party's not taking any chances. 

I can’t tell you who’ll be the Lib Dem candidate in Southport on 8 June, but I do know one thing about them. As they’re replacing a sitting Lib Dem (John Pugh is retiring) - they’ll be female.

The same is true in many of our top 20 target seats, including places like Lewes (Kelly-Marie Blundell), Yeovil (Daisy Benson), Thornbury and Yate (Clare Young), and Sutton and Cheam (Amna Ahmad). There was air punching in Lib Dem offices all over the country on Tuesday when it was announced Jo Swinson was standing again in East Dunbartonshire.

And while every current Lib Dem constituency MP will get showered with love and attention in the campaign, one will get rather more attention than most - it’s no coincidence that Tim Farron’s first stop of the campaign was in Richmond Park, standing side by side with Sarah Olney.

How so?

Because the party membership took a long look at itself after the 2015 election - and a rather longer look at the eight white, middle-aged middle class men (sorry chaps) who now formed the Parliamentary party and said - "we’ve really got to sort this out".

And so after decades of prevarication, we put a policy in place to deliberately increase the diversity of candidates.

Quietly, over the last two years, the Liberal Democrats have been putting candidates into place in key target constituencies . There were more than 300 in total before this week’s general election call, and many of them have been there for a year or more. And they’ve been selected under new procedures adopted at Lib Dem Spring Conference in 2016, designed to deliberately promote the diversity of candidates in winnable seats

This includes mandating all-women shortlists when selecting candidates who are replacing sitting MPs, similar rules in our strongest electoral regions. In our top 10 per cent of constituencies, there is a requirement that at least two candidates are shortlisted from underrepresented groups on every list. We became the first party to reserve spaces on the shortlists of winnable seats for underrepresented candidates including women, BAME, LGBT+ and disabled candidates

It’s not going to be perfect - the hugely welcome return of Lib Dem grandees like Vince Cable, Ed Davey and Julian Huppert to their old stomping grounds will strengthen the party but not our gender imbalance. But excluding those former MPs coming back to the fray, every top 20 target constituency bar one has to date selected a female candidate.

Equality (together with liberty and community) is one of the three key values framed in the preamble to the Lib Dem constitution. It’s a relief that after this election, the Liberal Democratic party in the Commons will reflect that aspiration rather better than it has done in the past.

Richard Morris blogs at A View From Ham Common, which was named Best New Blog at the 2011 Lib Dem Conference

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