A migrant child waits in front of a makeshift tent where the Red Cross provide food and clothing. Photo:Getty
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The deaths this week are a wake-up call. We need a change of direction

This latest horror is neither isolated nor unexpected. We can't sit by and leave people to drown.

The tragic deaths of migrants in the Mediterranean this week must force us to change direction.

Immigration is one of the major issues of this election and Labour and the Conservatives continue to portray all immigrants in a negative light. But immigration is not an issue which can be solved by Britain on our own. Or by oversimplifying and stoking fears based on one stereotype. The Liberal Democrats' manifesto will not ignore the plight of refugees playing a lottery with their own survival.

Labour's “controls on immigration” mug has done nothing to help the country debate this most difficult of issues. Nuance doesn't fit well on a mug. And it creates an environment in which it’s easier to turn away from truly horrific situations than to try to do something about them.

This latest horror is neither isolated nor unexpected. The number of people fleeing war or human rights abuses on rickety boats across one of the most dangerous crossings has surged in the last few years. In 2014, over 200,000 attempted the journey – more than three times the previous record in 2011, at the peak of the Libyan civil war. So when the EU ended search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean last year, there was an outcry from NGOs.

The reason given for the decision was stark:  the Italian's search and rescue programme were thought to act as a “pull factor”, encouraging people to flee. This clearly should be a cause for concern but the new policy is clearly not working. UN officials say well over 500 people have died since the start of the year, 30 times more than in the same period last year – although when I asked the Conservative minister responsible for any similar analysis from our own Government, it was shockingly absent.

Migration is a complicated issue. We can’t just brush aside allegations that smuggling gangs were exploiting search and rescue operations because they knew that people would be saved. But we also can’t turn our backs on the people caught up in the midst of wars in Syria, in Libya, in human rights abuses in Eritrea. This is why we want a review of search and rescue, and why we support Save the Children's campaign launched this week. 

The Liberal Democrats will press for an immediate EU review of both search and rescue, and current EU-anti-trafficking programs. If lives are being lost unnecessarily, we will support the reintroduction of search and rescue.

Ultimately, we need to stop trafficking, and help countries build peace to make these journeys a less rational prospect. But in the short term, Liberal Democrats will not abandon those who presently have little choice but to pay criminals to get to safety.

Immigration cannot be tackled by playing to fears of a single stereotype. Or by pretending that leaving the EU will solve all "immigration" related problems. The number of people who are travelling to Calais and attempting to cross the Channel to Britain demonstrates that we cannot deal with this issue in isolation, even if we left the EU. In an increasingly uncertain world, Britain and Europe cannot turn our backs and expect no repercussions. We must work together for the human dignity and security of everybody. ​​

Tim Farron is Foreign and Commonwealth spokesperson for the Liberal Democrats.

Tim Farron is leader of the Liberal Democrats.

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Will Jeremy Corbyn stand down if Labour loses the general election?

Defeat at the polls might not be the end of Corbyn’s leadership.

The latest polls suggest that Labour is headed for heavy defeat in the June general election. Usually a general election loss would be the trigger for a leader to quit: Michael Foot, Gordon Brown and Ed Miliband all stood down after their first defeat, although Neil Kinnock saw out two losses before resigning in 1992.

It’s possible, if unlikely, that Corbyn could become prime minister. If that prospect doesn’t materialise, however, the question is: will Corbyn follow the majority of his predecessors and resign, or will he hang on in office?

Will Corbyn stand down? The rules

There is no formal process for the parliamentary Labour party to oust its leader, as it discovered in the 2016 leadership challenge. Even after a majority of his MPs had voted no confidence in him, Corbyn stayed on, ultimately winning his second leadership contest after it was decided that the current leader should be automatically included on the ballot.

This year’s conference will vote on to reform the leadership selection process that would make it easier for a left-wing candidate to get on the ballot (nicknamed the “McDonnell amendment” by centrists): Corbyn could be waiting for this motion to pass before he resigns.

Will Corbyn stand down? The membership

Corbyn’s support in the membership is still strong. Without an equally compelling candidate to put before the party, Corbyn’s opponents in the PLP are unlikely to initiate another leadership battle they’re likely to lose.

That said, a general election loss could change that. Polling from March suggests that half of Labour members wanted Corbyn to stand down either immediately or before the general election.

Will Corbyn stand down? The rumours

Sources close to Corbyn have said that he might not stand down, even if he leads Labour to a crushing defeat this June. They mention Kinnock’s survival after the 1987 general election as a precedent (although at the 1987 election, Labour did gain seats).

Will Corbyn stand down? The verdict

Given his struggles to manage his own MPs and the example of other leaders, it would be remarkable if Corbyn did not stand down should Labour lose the general election. However, staying on after a vote of no-confidence in 2016 was also remarkable, and the mooted changes to the leadership election process give him a reason to hold on until September in order to secure a left-wing succession.

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