Young people have dropped off the electoral register in their masses. Photo: Getty
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Over 200,000 young people have fallen off the electoral register: time to get them back

It's National Voter Registration Day today and time for the young people hit by the system changes to sign up.

If you’re a parent or grandparent of someone who recently turned 18, or is just about to, you’ll want them to have their say in the future of the country.

Today, make sure they get their right to vote.

Today is National Voter Registration Day, pioneered by the brilliant Bite the Ballot. When the Tories are persistently attacking young people but the number of 18-year-olds registered to vote has almost halved, it’s time to take action.

Young people have dropped off the electoral register in their masses – not by choice, but because the rules have changed. New rules mean parents can’t register their children to vote, while universities and colleges can’t register students in halls of residence. In just one year, over 200,000 young people have disappeared from the electoral register.

That’s a terrifying number. It’s a city the size of Southampton, all left without a vote.

It’s not just 18-year-olds, either. The Electoral Commission says three in 10 people under 25 are missing from the electoral register. Their voices won’t be heard, whatever they have to say.

Often, the way politicians try to get young people involved in politics is to talk about "youth issues". Today, I want to try something different.

In my work as shadow minister for care and older people, I meet lots of young people who really worry about their grandparents or aunts and uncles, and who go out of their way to help out. Just as older people are concerned about younger family members getting a good education, finding a home and getting a decent job, young people want to know that their relatives are being well looked after if they’re sick or frail – be that in their own homes, in a care home or in hospital.

I know many young people do their best to help out with their elderly relatives when they can. So on National Voter Registration Day, if there’s a young person in your family who does something caring, whether it’s a bit of help with chores, volunteering, helping you sort out paperwork, or just phoning for a chat, do something caring for them.

Tell them to get on the computer or get their smartphone out and register to vote here.

It’ll only take five minutes and all they need is their name, address, and National Insurance number. They should have got their NI number at 16, but if they’ve lost or forgotten it, then get them to call 0300 200 3502 to find it.

It’s not difficult to do. Since I started my voter registration campaign in the New Year, I’ve been working with older family members across the country to get their younger relatives online and registering. Thanks to the work of my colleague Ivan Lewis, we’ve registered thousands of young people to vote.

Get a relative on the register today. I doubt you’ll be thanked for keeping on about it, but you’ll have given someone you care about a voice in how our country is run.

Tens of thousands of young people give up their time to help others.

Today, let’s give them a say in their future.

Liz Kendall is the MP for Leicester West and shadow minister for care and older people

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Leader: The unresolved Eurozone crisis

The continent that once aspired to be a rival superpower to the US is now a byword for decline, and ethnic nationalism and right-wing populism are thriving.

The eurozone crisis was never resolved. It was merely conveniently forgotten. The vote for Brexit, the terrible war in Syria and Donald Trump’s election as US president all distracted from the single currency’s woes. Yet its contradictions endure, a permanent threat to continental European stability and the future cohesion of the European Union.

The resignation of the Italian prime minister Matteo Renzi, following defeat in a constitutional referendum on 4 December, was the moment at which some believed that Europe would be overwhelmed. Among the champions of the No campaign were the anti-euro Five Star Movement (which has led in some recent opinion polls) and the separatist Lega Nord. Opponents of the EU, such as Nigel Farage, hailed the result as a rejection of the single currency.

An Italian exit, if not unthinkable, is far from inevitable, however. The No campaign comprised not only Eurosceptics but pro-Europeans such as the former prime minister Mario Monti and members of Mr Renzi’s liberal-centrist Democratic Party. Few voters treated the referendum as a judgement on the monetary union.

To achieve withdrawal from the euro, the populist Five Star Movement would need first to form a government (no easy task under Italy’s complex multiparty system), then amend the constitution to allow a public vote on Italy’s membership of the currency. Opinion polls continue to show a majority opposed to the return of the lira.

But Europe faces far more immediate dangers. Italy’s fragile banking system has been imperilled by the referendum result and the accompanying fall in investor confidence. In the absence of state aid, the Banca Monte dei Paschi di Siena, the world’s oldest bank, could soon face ruin. Italy’s national debt stands at 132 per cent of GDP, severely limiting its firepower, and its financial sector has amassed $360bn of bad loans. The risk is of a new financial crisis that spreads across the eurozone.

EU leaders’ record to date does not encourage optimism. Seven years after the Greek crisis began, the German government is continuing to advocate the failed path of austerity. On 4 December, Germany’s finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, declared that Greece must choose between unpopular “structural reforms” (a euphemism for austerity) or withdrawal from the euro. He insisted that debt relief “would not help” the immiserated country.

Yet the argument that austerity is unsustainable is now heard far beyond the Syriza government. The International Monetary Fund is among those that have demanded “unconditional” debt relief. Under the current bailout terms, Greece’s interest payments on its debt (roughly €330bn) will continually rise, consuming 60 per cent of its budget by 2060. The IMF has rightly proposed an extended repayment period and a fixed interest rate of 1.5 per cent. Faced with German intransigence, it is refusing to provide further funding.

Ever since the European Central Bank president, Mario Draghi, declared in 2012 that he was prepared to do “whatever it takes” to preserve the single currency, EU member states have relied on monetary policy to contain the crisis. This complacent approach could unravel. From the euro’s inception, economists have warned of the dangers of a monetary union that is unmatched by fiscal and political union. The UK, partly for these reasons, wisely rejected membership, but other states have been condemned to stagnation. As Felix Martin writes on page 15, “Italy today is worse off than it was not just in 2007, but in 1997. National output per head has stagnated for 20 years – an astonishing . . . statistic.”

Germany’s refusal to support demand (having benefited from a fixed exchange rate) undermined the principles of European solidarity and shared prosperity. German unemployment has fallen to 4.1 per cent, the lowest level since 1981, but joblessness is at 23.4 per cent in Greece, 19 per cent in Spain and 11.6 per cent in Italy. The youngest have suffered most. Youth unemployment is 46.5 per cent in Greece, 42.6 per cent in Spain and 36.4 per cent in Italy. No social model should tolerate such waste.

“If the euro fails, then Europe fails,” the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, has often asserted. Yet it does not follow that Europe will succeed if the euro survives. The continent that once aspired to be a rival superpower to the US is now a byword for decline, and ethnic nationalism and right-wing populism are thriving. In these circumstances, the surprise has been not voters’ intemperance, but their patience.

This article first appeared in the 08 December 2016 issue of the New Statesman, Brexit to Trump