Show Hide image Elections 6 January 2015 Follow every prediction – and make your own – with May2015’s election-forecasting machine 50 years after the BBC and ITN competed to predict election night first, we launch Florence: our election-forecasting machine. Print HTML How do you make sense of the most unpredictable election ever? We’re trying. For a while now we’ve been tracking all the latest polls – from the daily stream of national polls to Lord Ashcroft’s batches of seat surveys. The challenge is turning abstract polls into actual seat predictions for each party. There are 650 elections on May 7, not one big one. In the past forecasters would plug polls into a nationwide swing model – usually uniform swing – but such swingometers are limited in a six-party system. So we’ve developed a simple model. The Greens, Scotland and Ashcroft are now all fully integrated into our prediction, which we make in two steps. First, we work out what the national polls imply will happen in every seat (by using a slightly more sophisticated model than uniform swing), and then we separate any seats Lord Ashcroft has polled. The Greens, Scotland and Ashcroft are now all fully integrated into our model. Make your own prediction. He is polling the election’s most marginal – or closely fought – seats. They will decide the election. We plug them into our model, and then adjust them as national polls change. This two-step process is shown below. You can see the current national polls hand both Labour and the Tories around 230 seats. These are effectively the election’s “safe” seats – excluding Scotland, which Ashcroft is in the midst of polling for the first time. (We now distinguish between GB-wide and Scottish polls, and you can make your own predictions for each.) We then add in Ashcroft’s polls. He has published 112, and put Labour ahead in twice as many of them as the Tories. Some pundits, especially Tory ones, have dismissed these leads – a good bulk of which Labour amassed before their faltering end to 2014. But these polls aren’t static; every day they adjust in line with the national polls. If the Lib Dems surge or Tories collapse in national polls, Ashcroft’s seat polls from last summer will change too. Other forecasts As we have discussed before, we are working with limited data (far more limited data, in a more complicated system, than exists in the US). Without more billionaires, predicting British elections will remain guesswork. And we aren’t replacing other forecasts – we are gathering them all together. You can now stay up-to-date with the predictions of Stephen Fisher, Election Forecast and Electoral Calculus on May2015 – as well as Ladbrokes’ latest odds. A new academic forecast, from the team behind Polling Observatory, will shortly launch on May2015. Each model offers something different. Fisher and Election Forecast are predicting what will happen in May. We are avoiding extra assumptions and predicting what would happen in an election held today. As we approach the election, the assumptions built into their forecasts (namely a move towards the Tories) will become less important, and every model will increasingly rely on the polls. Fifty years of forecasts Machines have been predicting elections since the 1950s, when the BBC’s “Ella” and ITN’s “Deuce” computers duelled on election night in 1959. More recently, Nate Silver famously forecast the 2012 US Presidential election, before the New York Times replaced him with their “Leo” computer. 55 years after Ella, we’ve nicknamed our model “Florence”, after the woman who pioneered not just healthcare, but data journalism. Her coxcomb graphs of the Crimean War – made a century before the first BBC election nights – showed how army conditions killed far more British soldiers than conflict did. She was one of the first campaigners to enlist vivid and simple graphics in making arguments. › How water became everything in Ireland May2015 is the New Statesman's new elections site. Explore it for data, interviews and ideas on the general election. More Related articles Theresa May's government will do well to do more than just manage Don't believe the letting agents - banning fees is good for renters Hey, Philip Hammond, where's that £350m for the NHS? Subscription offer 12 issues for £12 + FREE book LEARN MORE Close This week’s magazine
Show Hide image The Staggers 23 November 2016 Philip Hammond's modest break with George Osborne could become more radical The new Chancellor softened, rather than abandoned, austerity. But Brexit could change his course. Print HTML The age of the imperial Chancellor is over. Gordon Brown and George Osborne relished in the theatricality of the Autumn Statement, springing policy surprises and roaming across departments. Philip Hammond today drew the curtain on this era. As he paid tribute to a watching Osborne, he added: "My style will, of course, be different from his." He would "prove no more adept at pulling rabbits from hats" than "[the] Foreign Secretary has been at retrieving balls from the back of scrums" (a jibe which visibly unsettled Boris Johnson). The new Chancellor was true to his word. His only surprise announcement was an anti-rabbit: the abolition of the Autumn Statement. Hammond has ended what was a second Budget in all but name. The effect was slightly undermined by the announcement of a Spring Statement (responding to the OBR's forecasts). But the change in style was unmistakeable. Hammond promised to avoid "a long list of individual projects being supported", casting himself as the nation's accountant, rather than an aspirant prime minister. But what of the substance? Osborne vowed in 2015 to deliver a budget surplus by the end of this parliament. Since then, as Hammond understatedly remarked, "times have moved on." The Leave vote, and the £59bn hit anticipated from Brexit, has ended what little hope there was of eliminating the deficit. The dry Hammond is no Keynesian but he recognises that the facts have changed. The ambition of a surplus has been postponed until the next parliament, with cyclically-adjusted borrowing only required to fall below 2 per cent by the end of this one (a looser target than Labour's). The national debt, which will peak at 90.2 per cent in 2017-18, is similarly not due to decline until 2020. In an age of uncertainty, Hammond has insured himself against economic calamity. But he deployed little of his potential firepower today. Though he explicitly borrowed to invest (as Ed Balls, rather than Osborne, proposed in 2015), he did so modestly: £23bn over five years. Austerity, Hammond made clear, has been modified, rather than abandoned. The departmental spending cuts announced last autumn remain in place and planned welfare reducations were softened, not scrapped. There was no new money for the NHS despite an ever-greater funding crisis. Osborne is gone, but Osbornomics endures. At Prime Minister's Questions, immediately before the Autumn Statement, Theresa May declared: "Austerity is about us living within our means". Yet Brexit, and all that could follow from it, could force its abandonment. If the "just managing" can manage no more, it would take a brave government to impose further deprivation. The sober Hammond is hoping for the best but preparing for the worst. George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman. More Related articles Theresa May's government will do well to do more than just manage Don't believe the letting agents - banning fees is good for renters Hey, Philip Hammond, where's that £350m for the NHS?