Displaced Iraqis from the Yazidi community cross the Iraqi-Syrian border at the Fishkhabur crossing, in northern Iraq, on August 11, 2014. Photograph: Getty Images.
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For the desperate of Iraq there is no quick fix, but we can help alleviate some of the suffering

We must not find ourselves wondering how this humanitarian crisis spiralled further and further out of control.

The news from northern Iraq is terrifying in detail, and staggering in scale. No food, no water, no shelter, tens of thousands uprooted by a murderous mob of Islamic State (IS) terrorists, too many out of contact and out of reach. At times like these the UK must play a leading role in helping those in need. Our capacity to assist in humanitarian crises is immense – we must now put the full force of that experience and expertise behind the Iraqi people, for many of them are in desperate need. 

After a week of heightening violence in Ninewa Province, northern Iraq, IS have been gaining ground - leaving hundreds of thousands displaced, in a region already home to almost a quarter of a million Syrian refugees and nearly 400,000 internally displaced Kurds.  

On 3 August, IS fighters took control of the districts of Sinjar and Tel Afar. The chaos that ensued saw 200,000 Yazidi and Christians forced from their homes. Four days later, IS fighters took Qaraqosh, the largest Christian town, and its surroundings forcing a further 200,000 to flee. Mount Sinjar is now home to 50,000, half of whom are children. The reports that have emerged of mass graves, beheadings and systematic rape are not easy to independently verify but the signs of a man-made humanitarian crisis are undeniable. 

President Obama was right to authorise air strikes to prevent the slaughter of these terrified and vulnerable people and to support the humanitarian air drops of food and water, and Labour support that action. The humanitarian priority now has to be providing immediate life-saving assistance including water, food, shelter and medicine for those who have been forced to flee their homes. This government is right to use the RAF to deliver essential supplies to the Yazidis, and they are right to release an £8m package of support for those who have fled IS terrorists. But there’s more we can do.

First, given the grave concerns regarding the imminent danger faced by minorities in Iraq, the UK Government should focus their response on the issue of discrimination against minority groups. All of those in need must have equal access to protection and aid.

Second, additional capacity and funding is desperately needed – the UK must not just do our bit, but invest real political capital in rallying the international community to fund urgent support the people of Iraq.

And third, the UK must lead international efforts to provide that assistance and funding through all means available, including through the use of any appropriate UK military capabilities.

Further, we have to make the protection of women and girls a priority - as the crisis drags on, the position of women and girls becomes all the more desperate. Around 250,000 women, including nearly 60,000 pregnant women, are in urgent need of care; around 20,000 women and girls face increased risk of sexual violence. The international community has to do all it can to ensure they are protected.

And coordination is key – northern Iraq is in chaos, access to IS areas is impossible, assessing the rest of the region impossibly complex. The continuous movement of displaced peoples and the all pervading fog of war mean many have not received the water, food and medicine they desperately need. Clear command and control of resources is difficult but vital. Firm leadership structures must be established and followed, and funding gaps can identified, assessed and addressed.

No-one doubts that the situation in northern Iraq is grave, and the truth is for those in desperate need is that there is no quick fix, no magic wand, but we can help alleviate some of the suffering. But we must not find ourselves wondering how this humanitarian crisis spiralled further and further out of control. With the resources and capabilities at the world's disposal these people cannot be abandoned. 

Jim Murphy is shadow international development secretary and Labour MP for East Renfrewshire

Photo: Getty
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How the row over Jackie Walker triggered a full-blown war in Momentum

Jon Lansman, the organisation's founder, is coming under attack. 

The battle for control within Momentum, which has been brewing for some time, has begun in earnest.

In a sign of the growing unrest within the organisation – established as the continuation of Jeremy Corbyn’s first successful leadership bid, and instrumental in delivering in his re-election -  a critical pamphlet by the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty (AWL), a Trotskyite grouping, has made its way into the pages of the Times, with the “unelected” chiefs of Momentum slated for turning the organisation into a “bland blur”.

The issue of contention: between those who see Momentum as an organisation to engage new members of the Labour party, who have been motivated by Jeremy Corbyn but are not yet Corbynites.

One trade unionist from that tendency described what they see the problem as like this: “you have people who have joined to vote for Jeremy, they’re going to meetings, but they’re voting for the Progress candidates in selections, they’re voting for Eddie Izzard [who stood as an independent but Corbynsceptic candidate] in the NEC”.  

On the other are those who see a fightback by Labour’s right and centre as inevitable, and who are trying to actively create a party within a party for what they see as an inevitable purge. One activist of that opinion wryly described Momentum as “Noah’s Ark”.

For both sides, Momentum, now financially stable thanks to its membership, which now stands at over 20,000, is a great prize. And in the firing line for those who want to turn Momentum into a parallel line is Jon Lansman, the organisation’s founder.

Lansman, who came into politics as an aide to Tony Benn, is a figure of suspicion on parts of the broad left due to his decades-long commitment to the Labour party. His major opposition within Momentum and on its ruling executive comes from the AWL.

The removal of Jackie Walker as a vice-chair of Momentum after she said that Holocaust Memorial Day belittled victims of other genocides has boosted the AWL, although the AWL's Jill Mountford, who sits on Momentum's ruling executive, voted to remove Walker as vice-chair. (Walker remains on the NEC, as she has been elected by members). But despite that, the AWL, who have been critical of the process whereby Walker lost her post, have felt the benefit across the country.

Why? Because that battle has triggered a series of serious splits, not only in Momentum’s executive but its grassroots. A raft of local groups have thrown out the local leadership, mostly veterans of Corbyn’s campaign for the leadership, for what the friend of one defeated representative described as “people who believe the Canary [a pro-Corbyn politics website that is regularly accused of indulging and promoting conspiracy theories]”.

In a further series of reverses for the Lansmanite caucus, the North West, a Momentum stronghold since the organisation was founded just under a year ago, is slipping away from old allies of Lansman and towards the “new” left. As one insider put it, the transition is from longstanding members towards people who had been kicked out in the late 1980s and early 1990s by Neil Kinnock. The constituency party of Wallasey in particular is giving senior figures in Momentum headaches just as it is their opponents on the right of the party, with one lamenting that they have “lost control” of the group.

It now means that planned changes to Momentum’s structure, which the leadership had hoped to be rubberstamped by members, now face a fraught path to passage.

Adding to the organisation’s difficulties is the expected capture of James Schneider by the leader’s office. Schneider, who appears widely on television and radio as the public face of Momentum and is well-liked by journalists, has an offer on the table to join Jeremy Corbyn’s team at Westminster as a junior to Seumas Milne.

The move, while a coup for Corbyn, is one that Momentum – and some of Corbyn’s allies in the trade union movement – are keen to resist. Taking a job in the leader’s office would reduce still further the numbers of TV-friendly loyalists who can go on the airwaves and defend the leadership. There is frustration among the leader’s office that as well as Diane Abbott and John McDonnell, who are both considered to be both polished media performers and loyalists, TV bookers turn to Ken Livingstone, who is retired and unreliable, and Paul Mason, about whom opinions are divided within Momentum. Some regard Mason as a box office performer who needs a bigger role, others as a liability.

But all are agreed that Schneider’s expected departure will weaken the media presence of Corbyn loyalists and also damage Momentum. Schneider has spent much of his time not wrangling journalists but mediating in local branches and is regarded as instrumental in the places “where Momentum is working well” in the words of one trade unionist. (Cornwall is regarded as a particular example of what the organisation should be aiming towards)

It comes at a time when Momentum’s leadership is keen to focus both on its external campaigns but the struggle for control in the Labour party. Although Corbyn has never been stronger within the party, no Corbynite candidate has yet prevailed in a by-election, with the lack of available candidates at a council level regarded as part of the problem. Councilors face mandatory reselection as a matter of course, and the hope is that a bumper crop of pro-Corbyn local politicians will go on to form the bulk of the talent pool for vacant seats in future by-elections and in marginal seats at the general election.

But at present, a draining internal battle is sapping Momentum of much of its vitality. But Lansman retains two trump cards. The first is that as well as being the founder of the organisation, he is its de facto owner: the data from Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership campaigns, without which much of the organisation could not properly run, is owned by a limited company of which he is sole director. But “rolling it up and starting again” is very much the nuclear option, that would further delay the left’s hopes of consolidating its power base in the party.

The second trump card, however, is the tribalism of many of the key players at a local level, who will resist infiltration by groups to Labour’s left just as fiercely as many on the right. As one veteran of both Corbyn’s campaigns reflected: “If those who have spent 20 years attacking our party think they have waiting allies in the left of Labour, they are woefully mistaken”. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.