Sayeeda Warsi has resigned from government over Gaza. Photo: Getty
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Conservative minister Baroness Warsi resigns over government policy on Gaza

The government minister Sayeeda Warsi has resigned from the government over Gaza.

David Cameron's reticence over condemning Israel's actions in Gaza has been brought into sharp focus this morning as Sayeeda Warsi, Foreign Office and Faith and Communities Minister and former chairman of the Conservative party, has announced her resignation from the government in light of its policy on Gaza.

Here's her tweet confirming her resignation:

­­A Tory life peer and lawyer, Warsi was Britain's first female Muslim cabinet minister, joining the cabinet in 2010 as minister without portfolio. 

When the Conservative party was in opposition, she held the positions of shadow community cohesion minister and shadow social action minister – both roles that hinted at the party's recognition of how useful it is both for the look and culture of a party trying to modernise of having someone focused on faith, and a high-profile Muslim women's rights champion, from an ethnic minority group herself, on the frontbenches. A daughter of Pakistani immigrants, who was brought up in Yorkshire, she has described herself as a “Northern, working-class roots, urban, working mum”. In 2009, the Mail described her as "the multicultural face of the new Tory Party". 

It has often seemed to Westminster onlookers and insiders that Warsi has been promoted and retained a place in government so steadfastly partially due to the fact that it would look bad for Cameron to demote such a figure, because of what she symbolised and her unique position in the Tory upper echelons.

As commentators are currently pointing out, Cameron’s relationship with Warsi was often fraught and he may have been tempted to oust her from his frontbench due to her less-than-subtle opposition of the PM on a number of issues, and her propensity to go off-message. She has made forthright comments about immigration and religion, a memorable remark being her comparison of banning the burka to outlawing the miniskirt. She also riled the leadership recently by advocating clearing the "Eton mess" out of No 10.

Warsi was mired in an expenses row in 2012, which was said to make the PM “uncomfortable”, but was eventually cleared of the charges. It was argued at the time by some that the row was not just about expenses, but also down to her perceived unsuitability to the role of party chairman. From sources in Westminster, I have heard a few of her Tory colleagues sometimes don’t take her entirely seriously. One source recalls fooling Warsi in a Foreign Office meeting prior to the German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s visit early this year that they were obliged to welcome their foreign guest with a rendition of the German national anthem.

But regardless of individuals’ opinions of Warsi’s position in the party, they will have to take this situation seriously today. No longer can Cameron accuse Ed Miliband and the Labour party’s criticism of his silence over Gaza as playing politics; someone on his own side has now done far more than that.

Update: 5 August 10:20:

Sayeeda Warsi has tweeted a picture of her resignation letter (click to zoom in):


Now listen to Anoosh discussing Sayeeda Warsi's resignation with Helen Lewis and George Eaton on the NS podcast:


Anoosh Chakelian is deputy web editor at the New Statesman.

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Why relations between Theresa May and Philip Hammond became tense so quickly

The political imperative of controlling immigration is clashing with the economic imperative of maintaining growth. 

There is no relationship in government more important than that between the prime minister and the chancellor. When Theresa May entered No.10, she chose Philip Hammond, a dependable technocrat and long-standing ally who she had known since Oxford University. 

But relations between the pair have proved far tenser than anticipated. On Wednesday, Hammond suggested that students could be excluded from the net migration target. "We are having conversations within government about the most appropriate way to record and address net migration," he told the Treasury select committee. The Chancellor, in common with many others, has long regarded the inclusion of students as an obstacle to growth. 

The following day Hammond was publicly rebuked by No.10. "Our position on who is included in the figures has not changed, and we are categorically not reviewing whether or not students are included," a spokesman said (as I reported in advance, May believes that the public would see this move as "a fix"). 

This is not the only clash in May's first 100 days. Hammond was aggrieved by the Prime Minister's criticisms of loose monetary policy (which forced No.10 to state that it "respects the independence of the Bank of England") and is resisting tougher controls on foreign takeovers. The Chancellor has also struck a more sceptical tone on the UK's economic prospects. "It is clear to me that the British people did not vote on June 23 to become poorer," he declared in his conference speech, a signal that national prosperity must come before control of immigration. 

May and Hammond's relationship was never going to match the remarkable bond between David Cameron and George Osborne. But should relations worsen it risks becoming closer to that beween Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling. Like Hammond, Darling entered the Treasury as a calm technocrat and an ally of the PM. But the extraordinary circumstances of the financial crisis transformed him into a far more assertive figure.

In times of turmoil, there is an inevitable clash between political and economic priorities. As prime minister, Brown resisted talk of cuts for fear of the electoral consequences. But as chancellor, Darling was more concerned with the bottom line (backing a rise in VAT). By analogy, May is focused on the political imperative of controlling immigration, while Hammond is focused on the economic imperative of maintaining growth. If their relationship is to endure far tougher times they will soon need to find a middle way. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.