Ken Clarke sits in the stands at The Kia Oval on September 4, 2012. Photograph: Getty Images.
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Cameron's reshuffle will cull the last of the One Nation Tories

The departure of Ken Clarke and George Young from the cabinet will mark the end of a long political tradition. 

Reshuffle fever has taken hold at Westminster, with both David Cameron and Nick Clegg expected to make changes to their top teams early next week. Most of the commentary to date has focused on the likely elevation of female Tory ministers (Esther McVey, Liz Truss, Nicky Morgan and Andrea Leadsom) as Cameron moves to increase the number of full-time female cabinet members from the dismal level of three (Theresa May, Justine Greeening and Theresa Villiers. Yes, there are more women called Theresa than there are women not called Theresa). 

But there's something else worth noting too: the reshuffle will mark the extinction of that venerable political species: the One Nation Conservative. The last remaining cabinet representatives of that tradition - Ken Clarke and George Young - are both certain to depart next week. Clarke, nicknamed "the sixth Lib Dem cabinet minister", has already been demoted from Justice Secretary to minister without portfolio and Cameron has long been under pressure from the right to remove the 73-year-old europhile entirely. His recent contrarian outbursts bear all the marks of a man who is demob happy. 

Young, who reluctantly took on the post of chief whip following Andrew Mitchell's resignation in 2012, is expected to make way for his deputy Greg Hands, the MP for Chelsea and Fulham and a close ally of George Osborne (one of the most reliable indicators of promotion). By removing him and Clarke, Cameron will sever the last remaining links with the Major government, now fondly recalled by some as an era of gentler conservatism.  

The problem for what remains of the Tory "wets" is not so much Clarke and Young's imminent departure, but the failure of younger moderates to take their place. Not one of the patrons or vice-presidents of the Tory Reform Group (the keepers of the One Nation flame) will sit in the cabinet after the reshuffle. Instead, the Conservatives' team will increasingly be dominated by the turbo-Thatcherites of the new right (Sajid Javid and Liz Truss being the first to rise). The man who once cast himself as a "One Nation Conservative" is now about to adminster the last rites to that honourable movement. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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With Boris gone, the next Tory PM will be dangerously tough on immigration

Talking tough on immigration is good for your leadership chances, but not for future trade deals. 

On 24 June, Boris Johnson had just pulled off the gamble of his life. The blonde pretender's decision to back Leave had helped bring an insurgent campaign to victory and force the Prime Minister's resignation. The political establishment was in smoking ruins, but the path to No 10 was clear.

Less than a week later, though, everything had changed. Johnson was forced to tell journalists at his campaign launch that he was pulling out. It seems the issue that scuppered him was immigration.

Johnson has never been a convincing border patrol guard. As the country digested Brexit, he wrote in The Telegraph that: "It is said that those who voted Leave were mainly driven by anxieties about immigration. I do not believe that is so."

His fellow Leave campaigner Michael Gove seems to have thought differently. A leaked email from his wife discussed the need for "specifics" on what many believe to be immigration controls. 

Announcing his campaign launch on Thursday morning - minutes after alerting Johnson to the fact - Gove declared that voters "told us to restore democratic control of immigration policy".

Of course, Gove is not alone in the contest to be PM of Brexit Britain. But with the Classics scholar Johnson out of the way, a consensus on a tougher immigration policy looks likely. 

A relaxed Theresa May (pictured) laid out her arguments on Thursday morning as well, and although she backtracked from earlier calls to quit the European Convention on Human Rights, she  is clearly playing to the audience when it comes to immigration. 

During the EU referendum campaign, she quietly backed Remain but nevertheless called for "more control" over EU citizens working in the UK.

At her leadership launch, she expressed a desire to cut net migration by tens of thousands each year. "Any attempt to wriggle out" of regaining control "will be unacceptable to the public", she said. 

Stephen Crabb, another contender, has already described ending free movement as a "red line", while Liam Fox wants an Australian-style points based system to apply to EU migrants. 

Of course, condemning "uncontrolled" EU immigration is one thing. Agreeing on whether immigration per se is too high is another. Some Leave campaigners argued they only wanted a level playing field for EU or non-EU migrants. 

But the Tory candidates face a bigger risk. The public may lap up anti-immigration rhetoric, the party members might vote accordingly, but it leaves little room to manoevre when it comes to negotiating trade deals with the European Union. Even the cool-headed German chancellor Angela Merkel has made it clear access to the single market is reserved for those who accept the free movement of people, as well as capital and goods.

If the successful candidate also wants to be successful in government, they will have to find a way of redefining the debate, quickly.