Ed Miliband shakes hands with supporters after a speech at Bloxwich Leisure Centre on May 19, 2014 in Walsall. Photograph: Getty Images
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Miliband to make 10 visits on final day of campaigning

Labour leader will travel across five regions to promote ten "cost-of-living" pledges.

After announcing more policy in the last few weeks than any other leader in recent memory (including a ban on exploitative zero-hours contracts, a cap on rent increases, a GP appointment guarantee and an increase in the minimum wage), Ed Miliband plans to spend the final day of campaigning making 10 visits around the country, each one highlighting one of Labour's 10 pledges from its "cost-of-living contract". His tour, across five regions, will start in London and end in his constituency of Doncaster North. 

He said: 

Tomorrow I will be going all round England - north and south, east and west - laying out Labour's ten pledges from our cost of living contract.

I will be urging people to vote Labour on Thursday because I know Britain can do better than this.

And it is Labour MEPs and Labour councillors who can help deliver.

We have shown in this campaign the difference we can make: on housing, on the NHS, on wages, on immigration, on all of the major issues the country faces.

If I have heard one message most of all in this campaign, it is the depths of discontent about the way the country is run.

The challenges go beyond this government. And people are asking whether any political party can turn it round?

Can anyone rebuild the link between a hard day's work and ordinary family finances?

That link that used to be the foundation of our country's prosperity.

That used to guarantee the people of this country a decent life for them and tier families.

My answer is that Labour can and Labour will.

People should vote Labour on Thursday to make Britain better than this.

Vote Labour to make your family better off.

It certainly sounds tiring, but then Miliband is the man who, as climate change secretary, went without sleep for more than 48 hours in order to secure a deal at the Copenhagen summit. 

The tour will, however, provide journalists with plenty of chances to trip him up over the cost of staple items and the names of Labour council leaders. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Theresa May missed an easy opportunity on EU citizens' rights

If the UK had made a big, open and generous offer, the diplomatic picture would be very different.

It's been seven hours and 365 days...and nothing compares to EU, at least as far as negotiations go.

First David Davis abandoned "the row of the summer" by agreeing to the EU's preferred negotiating timetable. Has Theresa May done the same in guaranteeing the rights of EU citizens living here indefinitely?

Well, sort of. Although the PM has said that there have to be reciprocal arrangements for British citizens abroad, the difficulty is that because we don't have ID cards and most of our public services are paid for not out of an insurance system but out of general taxation, the issues around guaranteeing access to health, education, social security and residence are easier.

Our ability to enforce a "cut-off date" for new migrants from the European Union is also illusory, unless the government thinks it has the support in parliament and the logistical ability to roll out an ID card system by March 2019. (It doesn't.)

If you want to understand how badly the PM has managed Britain's Brexit negotiations, then the rights of the three million EU nationals living in Britain is the best place to start. The overwhelming support in the country at large for guaranteeing the rights of EU citizens, coupled with the deep unease among Conservative MPs about not doing so, meant that it was never a plausible bargaining chip. (That's before you remember that the bulk of the British diaspora in Europe lives in countries with small numbers of EU citizens living in the UK. You can't secure a good deal from Spain by upsetting the Polish government.) It just made three million people, their friends and their families nervous for a year and irritated our European partners, that's all.

If the United Kingdom had made a big, open and generous offer on citizens' rights a year ago, as Vote Leave recommended in the referendum, the diplomatic picture would be very different. (It would be better still if, again, as Vote Leave argued, we hadn't triggered Article 50, an exit mechanism designed to punish an emergent dictatorship that puts all the leverage on the EU27's side.)

As it happens, May's unforced errors in negotiations, the worsening economic picture and the tricky balancing act in the House of Commons means that Remainers can hope both for a softer exit and that they might yet convince voters that nothing compares to EU after all. (That a YouGov poll shows the number of people willing to accept EU rules in order to keep the economy going stretching to 58 per cent will only further embolden the soft Brexiteers.)

For Brexiteers, that means that if Brexit doesn't go well, they have a readymade scapegoat in the government. It means Remainers can credibly hope for a soft Brexit – or no Brexit at all. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.

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