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Only a radical government can end the Great British Rip-Off

The next Labour government will tackle vested interests, reduce income inequality and end the race to the bottom.

The ‘Great British Rip-Off’ is a series of events launched by Unions Together, the Trade Union Group and CLASS in Parliament tonight. Sadiq spoke alongside Frances O’Grady, Zoe Williams, Katy Clark MP and Matthew Pennycook.

In my constituency of Tooting in south London, as right across the capital and the country – the cost of living crisis is a lived experience for most people, with very real consequences away from the words of Westminster and Fleet Street. People work long and hard hours, but yet too often still struggle to make ends meet at the end of the month. Work should pay for everyone and it should pay enough for people to eat healthily and provide for their families with dignity – a real living wage. Yet for too many people, this just isn’t the case, with zero-hours contracts on the rise, exorbitant tube and train fares, rising energy bills and a housing crisis so acute that many people can’t afford their rent, let alone dream of buying a home.

Labour has said unequivocally that we will address the cost of living crisis. We will ban the exploitative working practices associated with many zero-hours contracts and take on the vested interests of the Big Six energy companies by freezing prices while we fix the broken energy market. These policies will make a real difference to millions of people. The next Labour government will also tackle the long-term causes of the cost of living crisis.

The issues I hear about every day from Londoners are the symptoms of deeper and longer trends, that have seen a decline in living standards and a sharp rise in income inequality. The IMF has highlighted that the decline of trade union power is associated with the dramatic increase in income inequality over the last 30 years. In the early 1980s, collective bargaining covered 70 per cent of the British workforce but that has now dropped below 30 per cent. This has reduced the ability of the trade union movement to deliver fairness, safe working conditions and support productivity in the workforce.

Incomes in London are more unequal than in any other region, with 16 per cent of the population in the poorest tenth nationally and 17 per cent in the richest tenth. Twenty eight per cent of Londoners now live in poverty and almost 60 per cent of them are from working families. The richest 10 per cent have 60 per cent of all assets, while the poorest 80 per cent of the population share just 20 per cent. As our economy finally begins to recover after wasted three years, we are unambiguous that the benefits of growth must be shared by everyone in our society, rather than just going to the wealthiest.

Ed Miliband has been clear that to do that, we must end the Tories' relentless race to the bottom and ensure that the benefits of growth are distributed more fairly. This re-balancing of our economy will be tough. But Labour are up to the challenge. It’s why this week we have laid out our plans for a 'Jobs Guarantee'; we will guarantee a job for all young people aged 16-24 who are out of work for more than a year, paid for by a tax on bankers' bonuses and by restricting pensions tax relief for those earning over £150,000. It’s why we will introduce a Mansion Tax on properties worth more than £2m and use the funds to introduce a 10p tax rate to help lower paid workers – putting right a mistake of the last Labour government. And it’s why we have committed to building 200,000 homes a year by the end of the next Parliament.

And we will do more to tackle the long-term causes of income inequality. That is why Ed Miliband has said that under a Labour government, all companies will have to have an employee on their remuneration committees, to give them a seat at the table when decisions about pay are being made. And that’s why the next Labour government will take action to strengthen the national minimum wage and promote the living wage.

The National Minimum Wage is the achievement of the last Labour government of which I am most proud. But this crucial protection for low-paid workers is being eroded. It is worth less in real-terms than it was when we left office in 2010 and not a single company has been named and shamed for non-payment under David Cameron. Labour will increase the fines for paying below the minimum wage to £50,000 and we have asked Alan Buckle, former deputy chairman of KPMG International, to look at how we could strengthen the policy and ensure that where sectors can afford to pay more, they do.

Government needs to do more to promote the Living Wage so we can raise the wages of the lowest-paid workers. All 32 Labour Council Groups in London have agreed to pay all staff and contractors at least the Living Wage if they win control at the local elections on 22 May. And on entering office, the next Labour government will launch a national campaign to agree Make Work Pay Contracts with British businesses. These contracts will mean that, in return for becoming accredited Living Wage employers within the first year of a Labour government, businesses will receive back 12 months’ worth of the resulting increased tax and National Insurance revenues received by the government.

We also need to get excessive executive pay under control  by increasing transparency. The next Labour government will simplify remuneration packages, make all companies publish the pay ratio between the highest paid executive and the companies median average and put an obligation on investors and pension fund managers to disclose how they vote on remuneration packages. In contrast, the Tories have consistently attacked and weakened employee rights and have prioritised policies that benefit the wealthiest, such as the tax cut for millionaires.

Tackling the deep-rooted and long-term causes of the cost of living crisis will not be easy. It will require a radical and transformative government with the political will to take on vested interests and challenge those who abuse their power – something David Cameron has proved incapable of as Prime Minister. Ed Miliband’s Labour Party has that will. We will do what it takes to tackle the cost of living crisis in this country, reduce income inequality and end the race to the bottom.

Sadiq Khan is MP for Tooting, shadow justice secretary and shadow minister for London.
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"We repealed, then forgot": the long shadow of Section 28 homophobia

Why are deeply conservative views about the "promotion" of homosexuality still being reiterated to Scottish school pupils? 

Grim stories of LGBTI children being bullied in school are all too common. But one which emerged over the weekend garnered particular attention - because of the echoes of the infamous Section 28, nearly two decades after it was scrapped.

A 16-year-old pupil of a West Lothian school, who does not wish to be named, told Pink News that staff asked him to remove his small rainbow pride badge because, though they had "no problem" with his sexuality, it was not appropriate to "promote it" in school. It's a blast from the past - the rules against "promoting" homosexuality were repealed in 2000 in Scotland, but the long legacy of Section 28 seems hard to shake off. 

The local authority responsible said in a statement that non-school related badges are not permitted on uniforms, and says it is "committed to equal rights for LGBT people". 

The small badge depicted a rainbow-striped heart, which the pupil said he had brought back from the Edinburgh Pride march the previous weekend. He reportedly "no longer feels comfortable going to school", and said homophobia from staff members felt "much more scar[y] than when I encountered the same from other pupils". 

At a time when four Scottish party leaders are gay, and the new Westminster parliament included a record number of LGBTQ MPs, the political world is making progress in promoting equality. But education, it seems, has not kept up. According to research from LGBT rights campaigners Stonewall, 40 per cent of LGBT pupils across the UK reported being taught nothing about LGBT issues at school. Among trans students, 44 per cent said school staff didn’t know what "trans" even means.

The need for teacher training and curriculum reform is at the top of campaigners' agendas. "We're disappointed but not surprised by this example," says Jordan Daly, the co-founder of Time for Inclusive Education [TIE]. His grassroots campaign focuses on making politicians and wider society aware of the reality LGBTI school students in Scotland face. "We're in schools on a monthly basis, so we know this is by no means an isolated incident." 

Studies have repeatedly shown a startling level of self-harm and mental illness reported by LGBTI school students. Trans students are particularly at risk. In 2015, Daly and colleagues began a tour of schools. Shocking stories included one in which a teacher singled out a trans pupils for ridicule in front of the class. More commonly, though, staff told them the same story: we just don't know what we're allowed to say about gay relationships. 

This is the point, according to Daly - retraining, or rather the lack of it. For some of those teachers trained during the 1980s and 1990s, when Section 28 prevented local authorities from "promoting homosexuality", confusion still reigns about what they can and cannot teach - or even mention in front of their pupils. 

The infamous clause was specific in its homophobia: the "acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship" could not be mentioned in schools. But it's been 17 years since the clause was repealed in Scotland - indeed, it was one of the very first acts of the new Scottish Parliament (the rest of the UK followed suit three years later). Why are we still hearing this archaic language? 

"We repealed, we clapped and cheered, and then we just forgot," Daly says. After the bitter campaign in Scotland, in which an alliance of churches led by millionaire businessman Brian Souter poured money into "Keeping the Clause", the government was pleased with its victory, which seemed to establish Holyrood as a progressive political space early on in the life of the parliament. But without updating the curriculum or retraining teaching staff, Daly argues, it left a "massive vacuum" of uncertainty. 

The Stonewall research suggests a similar confusion is likely across the UK. Daly doesn't believe the situation in Scotland is notably worse than in England, and disputes the oft-cited allegation that the issue is somehow worse in Scotland's denominational schools. Homophobia may be "wrapped up in the language of religious belief" in certain schools, he says, but it's "just as much of a problem elsewhere. The TIE campaign doesn't have different strategies for different schools." 

After initial disappointments - their thousands-strong petition to change the curriculum was thrown out by parliament in 2016 - the campaign has won the support of leaders such as Nicola Sturgeon and Kezia Dugdale, and recently, the backing of a majority of MSPs. The Scottish government has set up a working group, and promised a national strategy. 

But for Daly, who himself struggled at a young age with his sexuality and society's failure to accept it, the matter remains an urgent one.  At just 21, he can reel off countless painful stories of young LGBTI students - some of which end in tragedy. One of the saddest elements of the story from St Kentigern's is that the pupil claimed his school was the safest place he had to express his identity, because he was not out at home. Perhaps for a gay pupil in ten years time, that will be a guarantee. 

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