Nigel Farage still doesn't know UKIP's policies - but don't expect it to damage him

It is precisely the UKIP leader's flippancy and his lack of formality that voters find endearing.

Nigel Farage was treated to a classic dismantling by Andrew Neil on The Daily Politics today. Asked if UKIP was against replacing Trident, he replied: "I'm not sure where you got that from", to which Neil deadpanned: "from your website". Questioned on whether he still wanted a "compulsory dress code for taxi drivers", he answered: "do we? News to me". Asked whether it was still party policy to require trains to be "repainted in traditional colours", he responded: "I've never read that, I've no idea what you're talking about." Challenged on how the party could possibly afford its pledge to cut taxes by £90bn and increase spending by £30bn, he mused: "let's see". 

The Tories, who are stepping up their rebuttal of UKIP, have pounced on the clip as evidence that Farage is "simply not credible". But even if we ignore his vow to relaunch all UKIP policy after the European elections ("none of it stands today"), it is doubtful that such incidents damage him. It is precisely Farage's flippancy and his lack of formality ("when it comes to websites, I'm not the expert") that voters find endearing. All that the public, who pay far less attention to policy than most imagine, need to know is that UKIP stands against the Westminster establishment, against immigration, against "human rights", against overseas aid and against the EU. With no expectation that it will hold any significant power after 2015, voters have little interest in its stance on fiscal policy or defence. 

If Farage wants UKIP to eventually become something bigger than a protest party, he will not be able to afford such gaffes. But for now, they merely add to his lustre. 

Nigel Farage speaks at a fringe event at the Conservative conference in Manchester last year. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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PMQs review: Theresa May shows again that Brexit means hard Brexit

The Prime Minister's promise of "an end to free movement" is incompatible with single market membership. 

Theresa May, it is commonly said, has told us nothing about Brexit. At today's PMQs, Jeremy Corbyn ran with this line, demanding that May offer "some clarity". In response, as she has before, May stated what has become her defining aim: "an end to free movement". This vow makes a "hard Brexit" (or "chaotic Brexit" as Corbyn called it) all but inevitable. The EU regards the "four freedoms" (goods, capital, services and people) as indivisible and will not grant the UK an exemption. The risk of empowering eurosceptics elsewhere is too great. Only at the cost of leaving the single market will the UK regain control of immigration.

May sought to open up a dividing line by declaring that "the Labour Party wants to continue with free movement" (it has refused to rule out its continuation). "I want to deliver on the will of the British people, he is trying to frustrate the British people," she said. The problem is determining what the people's will is. Though polls show voters want control of free movement, they also show they want to maintain single market membership. It is not only Boris Johnson who is pro-having cake and pro-eating it. 

Corbyn later revealed that he had been "consulting the great philosophers" as to the meaning of Brexit (a possible explanation for the non-mention of Heathrow, Zac Goldsmith's resignation and May's Goldman Sachs speech). "All I can come up with is Baldrick, who says our cunning plan is to have no plan," he quipped. Without missing a beat, May replied: "I'm interested that [he] chose Baldrick, of course the actor playing Baldrick was a member of the Labour Party, as I recall." (Tony Robinson, a Corbyn critic ("crap leader"), later tweeted that he still is one). "We're going to deliver the best possible deal in goods and services and we're going to deliver an end to free movement," May continued. The problem for her is that the latter aim means that the "best possible deal" may be a long way from the best. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.