Why Miliband's union reforms are bigger than Clause IV

While the rewriting of Clause IV by Blair was of largely symbolic significance, the changes proposed by Miliband would have dramatic consequences for Labour's funding.

I was just asked by BBC News whether the reforms proposed by Ed Miliband to the Labour-union link could be compared to Tony Blair's rewriting of Clause IV in 1994. My response? Yes, but they're bigger.

While Blair's decision to revise Clause IV, which committed Labour to "common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange", was of immense symbolic significance it changed little in practice. Labour had already effectively abandoned wholesale nationalisation and no one would have expected Blair to pursue this policy as prime minister. 

By contrast, the changes proposed by Miliband, most notably the introduction of an opt-in system for trade union members' donations, will have dramatic consequences for Labour. As I revealed earlier, the party estimates that it could lose as much as £5m of the £8m it currently receives in affiliation fees. The hope is that this reform will force the Tories to agree to party funding reform, including a £5,000 cap on individual donations, but it remains the biggest gamble of Miliband's leadership. It's for that reason that Blair himself was so fulsome in his praise this morning. 

Ed Miliband attends the launch of mental health charity MindFull on 5 July, 2013 in London. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty Images
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The buck doesn't stop with Grant Shapps - and probably shouldn't stop with Lord Feldman, either

The question of "who knew what, and when?" shouldn't stop with the Conservative peer.

If Grant Shapps’ enforced resignation as a minister was intended to draw a line under the Mark Clarke affair, it has had the reverse effect. Attention is now shifting to Lord Feldman, who was joint chair during Shapps’  tenure at the top of CCHQ.  It is not just the allegations of sexual harrassment, bullying, and extortion against Mark Clarke, but the question of who knew what, and when.

Although Shapps’ resignation letter says that “the buck” stops with him, his allies are privately furious at his de facto sacking, and they are pointing the finger at Feldman. They point out that not only was Feldman the senior partner on paper, but when the rewards for the unexpected election victory were handed out, it was Feldman who was held up as the key man, while Shapps was given what they see as a relatively lowly position in the Department for International Development.  Yet Feldman is still in post while Shapps was effectively forced out by David Cameron. Once again, says one, “the PM’s mates are protected, the rest of us shafted”.

As Simon Walters reports in this morning’s Mail on Sunday, the focus is turning onto Feldman, while Paul Goodman, the editor of the influential grassroots website ConservativeHome has piled further pressure on the peer by calling for him to go.

But even Feldman’s resignation is unlikely to be the end of the matter. Although the scope of the allegations against Clarke were unknown to many, questions about his behaviour were widespread, and fears about the conduct of elections in the party’s youth wing are also longstanding. Shortly after the 2010 election, Conservative student activists told me they’d cheered when Sadiq Khan defeated Clarke in Tooting, while a group of Conservative staffers were said to be part of the “Six per cent club” – they wanted a swing big enough for a Tory majority, but too small for Clarke to win his seat. The viciousness of Conservative Future’s internal elections is sufficiently well-known, meanwhile, to be a repeated refrain among defenders of the notoriously opaque democratic process in Labour Students, with supporters of a one member one vote system asked if they would risk elections as vicious as those in their Tory equivalent.

Just as it seems unlikely that Feldman remained ignorant of allegations against Clarke if Shapps knew, it feels untenable to argue that Clarke’s defeat could be cheered by both student Conservatives and Tory staffers and the unpleasantness of the party’s internal election sufficiently well-known by its opponents, without coming across the desk of Conservative politicians above even the chair of CCHQ’s paygrade.

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.