The Paxman strategy: why Labour should keep asking Cameron the Lynton Crosby question

Whether Cameron is prepared to say whether he discussed tobacco policy with his campaign strategist is turning into a test of his honesty and integrity.

Why has David Cameron refused at least 12 times to say whether he has ever discussed tobacco policy with Lynton Crosby? The answer, presumably, is because he has. But were he to admit as much, he would stand accused of tolerating an unambiguous conflict of interest. In addition to advising the Conservatives on campaign strategy (with some success judging by the latest opinion polls), Crosby remains managing director of Crosby Textor, the lobbying firm he co-founded in 2003, whose clients include tobacco behemoth Philip Morris. For this reason, asked whether he has ever had "a conversation" with Crosby about plain cigarette packaging, Cameron has dodged and obfuscated, bobbed and weaved. 

There are some who argue, as John Rentoul does, that, in the absence of irrefutable proof of corruption ("smoking gun" is apt here), Labour should call off the chase. After all, few voters know who Crosby is and even fewer care. But there are good reasons why Labour should ignore such appeals. Whether or not Cameron is prepared to say if he discussed tobacco policy with Crosby is turning into a significant test of his honesty and integrity (an issue the public certainly is interested in). Few voters really cared whether Michael Howard threatened to overrule prisons director general Derek Lewis (the subject of his famous duel with Jeremy Paxman); it was his evasiveness that irked them. Having previously declared that "sunlight is the best disinfectant", Cameron cannot continue to deflect the media's inquiries without exposing himself to the charge of hypocrisy.

Even better for Labour, the responses of other government figures have increased Cameron's vulnerability. We were told by Jeremy Hunt that public health was a "whole area he [Crosby] is not allowed to touch" due to his "clients in that area" but also by Downing Street that Cameron was "unware" of Crosby's work for Philip Morris. Did he ask to see a full list of Crosby's clients before hiring him last November? It would appear not. The expectation among Conservatives may be that Crosby will relinquish his other business interests when he becomes a full-time adviser early next year and that "the questions about his other clients will become a feature of the past", but until that moment, Labour should keep up the hunt. 

Here, collated by Labour, are Cameron's 12 dodges. 

Dodge 1

 

Mr Kevin Barron (Rother Valley) (Lab): I wrote to the Prime Minister on 8 May and I have not yet received a reply. May I ask him now whether he has had any discussions with Lynton Crosby about the standard packaging of cigarettes or the minimum price of a unit of alcohol—yes or no?

The Prime Minister: I can tell you, Mr Speaker, that Lynton Crosby has never lobbied me on anything.

David Cameron, Hansard, 19 June 2013 Column 891

 

Dodge 2

 

John Cryer (Leyton and Wanstead) (Lab): Further to the question that the Prime Minister failed to answer last week, can he confirm that he has never had a conversation with Lynton Crosby about alcohol pricing or cigarettes? The question is not “Has he been lobbied?”, but “Has he had that conversation?”

The Prime Minister: As I said last week, I have never been lobbied by Lynton Crosby about anything.

Hansard, 26 June 2013, column 297

 

Dodge 3

 

Edward Miliband: Can he now answer the question that he has not answered for weeks: has he ever had a conversation with Lynton Crosby about plain cigarette packaging?

The Prime Minister: I have answered the question: he has never lobbied me on anything.

Hansard, 17 July, column 1088

 

Dodge 4

 

Nick Robinson: You hired a man who also is paid for by a tobacco firm, aren’t voters entitled to a clear rather than a legalistic answer, have you ever discussed the subject of tobacco packaging with Lynton Crosby?

David Cameron: Thank you, on the issue of Lynton Crosby this is a complete red herring which is raised by the Labour Party because they are in political trouble and I can’t believe the BBC will fall for it. The decision not to go ahead for the time being with plain paper packaging for cigarettes, a decision taken by me, with the health secretary for the very simple reason that there isn’t yet sufficient evidence for it and there is considerable legal uncertainty about it. If we get more evidence and if we can reduce the legal uncertainty then it may well be a good idea and I’ll very happily look at it again, it is a decision made by me without any reference to any lobbyist or anyone else, this is complete nonsense from start to finish put up, as I say because the Labour Party, as demonstrated in the House of Commons today is in, I think, some quite deep political trouble with their relationship with the Trade Unions.

Downing Street press conference, 17 July 2013

 

Dodge 5

 

Nick Robinson: Did you have a conversation?

David Cameron: As I said I’ve never been lobbied by Lynton Crosby about anything it is not his job to advise on any policies or policy areas.

Downing Street press conference, 17 July 2013

 

Dodge 6

 

Lucy Manning: Can I also ask you about lobbying: you said you weren’t lobbied by Lynton Crosby but can you answer this word, did you discuss tobacco packaging, the word discuss.

David Cameron: Look, I’ve been very clear about this; Lynton Crosby is employed by the Conservative Party to advise us on political strategy and dealing with Labour and the rest of it. He does not advise on government policies and he has not lobbied me on any government policies – I’ve been very clear about that. This whole issue is a red herring because Labour are in trouble with the trade unions so they’re desperate to find some sort of distraction therapy, but I don’t think anybody should fall for it … least of all ITN!

ITN, 18 July 2013

 

Dodge 7

 

Lucy Manning: Tony Blair said he was a straight guy when he had problems with the tobacco industry, I guess you’re a straight guy, did you discuss tobacco packaging?

David Cameron: Tony Blair is actually a pretty good example. Tony Blair is actually someone who does lobby me from time-to-time. He lobbies me on things like the Middle East peace process. Do I have to know who all Tony Blair’s other clients are? If I did that I don’t think I’ve got enough paper in my office to write them all down on.

ITN, 18 July 2013

 

Dodge 8

 

David Cameron: My view is very simple: Lynton Crosby is employed by the Conservative Part as a political adviser. He advises on political strategy, how to combat Labour, how to prepare for the election. Decisions on policy he has no influence or impact and doesn’t lobby on. Those decisions on policy are made by me. Let me deal…

Channel 4, 18 July 2013

 

Dodge 9

 

Gary Gibbon: I don’t feel that you’ve answered the question… There were conversations with Lynton Crosby in the room, weren’t there, in which the question of what bills should go into the Queen’s Speech was discussed. Scraping barnacles…

David Cameron: I don’t accept that for one moment, no. I don’t accept that for one moment but I mean, I’ve been very clear. I don’t accept what you’ve said for one moment, but I’ve been very clear because I think people need to know this: here is this person, employed by the Conservative Party who gives assistance on political advice, he does not lobby. He has no role in deciding what policies go ahead and what policies don’t go ahead. He has no role in that at all. On plain packaging, let me be absolutely clear – because this is important, I want people to know this: on plain packaging for cigarettes, I think this idea does have merit and I think there may well be a time for it. But, I took the decision, with the Health Secretary that the time was not now…

Channel 4, 18 July 2013

 

Dodge 10

 

Gary Gibbon: And he never discussed it with you?

David Cameron: For very good reasons, entirely my decision. I haven’t discussed this issue with, you know, outside government. I remember a business, at some meeting I went to raising it with me, but you know, the decision was mine, and let me explain this, because actually what really matters is what’s the decision, why is the decision made. The decision was made because there is too much legal uncertainty surrounding this issue as we stand today and there isn’t enough positive evidence. As I explained in the House of Commons yesterday that was the reason the last government decided not to go ahead, for the time being with this issue. So, that is, I think a very, very clear explanation, but a decision made by me. If you don’t like the decision you should blame me, or you should blame the Health Secretary, but we haven’t been lobbied by anybody about this.

Channel 4, 18 July 2013

 

Dodge 11

 

Gary Gibbon: That wasn’t the question, the question was – and you keep denying a question that isn’t asked – the question was: did Lynton Crosby, in the room during a strategy meeting, say actually, some of these bits of legislation rather clutter up the business of government and the focus of government, and maybe we’d be better to focus on other things?

David Cameron: Well, no, he hasn’t … I don’t recognise the conversation that you are putting forward at all, right. I’ve been very careful about what I’ve said, which is to say that he hasn’t lobbied me on any of these issues and that is absolutely the case. So, the decisions are my decisions, the government’s decisions. You’re trying to invent a set of conversations that somehow you think took place.

Channel 4, 18 July 2013

 

Dodge 12

 

Gary Gibbon: I was trying to throw some sunlight – the best disinfectant as you called it – so, we’re quite clear: he never discussed this bill with you?

David Cameron: I’ve answered the question very, very clearly. I’ve not been lobbied by Lynton Crosby on any of these issues.

Channel 4, 18 July 2013

Lynton Crosby, who was recently appointed as the Conservatives' election campaign manager after running Boris Johnson's re-election campaign.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

ELLIE FOREMAN-PECK FOR NEW STATESMAN
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The triumph of Misbah-ul-Haq, the quiet grafter

How Misbah redeemed Pakistani cricket.

It was an incongruous sight: the entire Pakistani cricket team doing press-ups on the revered pitch at Lord’s, led by its captain, Misbah-ul-Haq. This unusual celebration marked not merely a Test match victory over England on Sunday but something greater: the rehabilitation of Pakistani cricket.

Seven years earlier, the Sri Lankan team bus was en route to the cricket stadium in Lahore for the third day of a Test match against Pakistan when it was attacked by Islamist militants. Gunfire killed six police officers and a driver; several Sri Lankan cricketers were also injured. That was the last Test match played in Pakistan, which, despite protestations, opponents consider too dangerous to visit.

A year later, Pakistan toured England for a Test series. The News of the World alleged that in the final match at Lord’s three Pakistani cricketers had conspired to bowl no-balls in exchange for money. All three received bans of five years or more for corruption. The entire squad was lampooned; police had to shield its members from abuse as they arrived home.

Misbah was on the periphery of all of this. Aged 36 at the time, he was dropped from the squad before the English tour and seemed unlikely to play international cricket again. But the turbulence engulfing Pakistani cricket forced the selectors to reassess. Not only was Misbah recalled but he was made captain. “You have to ask yourself,” he later said: “‘Have I been the captain because they supported me, or because they had no alternatives?’”

Pakistani cricket prizes and mythologises teenage talent plucked from obscurity and brought into the international side. During his decade as captain, Imran Khan picked 11 teenagers to make their debuts, often simply on the basis of being wowed by their performance in the nets. Misbah shows that another way is possible. He grew up in Mianwali, a city that was so remote that: “The culture there wasn’t such that you thought about playing for Pakistan.”

At the behest of his parents, he devoted his early twenties not to his promising batting but to gaining an MBA. Only at 24 did he make his first-class debut, strikingly late in an age when professional sportsmen are expected to dedicate all their energy to the game from their teenage years.

Pakistani cricket has always been “a little blip of chaos to the straight lines of order”, Osman Samiuddin writes in The Unquiet Ones. Misbah has created order out of chaos. He is unflappable and methodical, both as a captain and as a batsman. His mood seems impervious to results. More than anything, he is resilient.

He has led Pakistan to 21 Test victories – seven more than any other captain. He has done this with a bowling attack ravaged by the 2010 corruption scandal and without playing a single match at home. Because of security concerns, Pakistan now play in the United Arab Emirates, sometimes in front of fewer than a hundred supporters.

Misbah has developed a team that marries professionalism with the self-expression and flair for which his country’s cricket is renowned. And he has scored runs – lots of them. Over his 43 Tests as captain, he has averaged at 56.68. Few have been so empowered by responsibility, or as selfless. He often fields at short leg, the most dangerous position in the game and one usually reserved for the team’s junior player.

Misbah has retained his capacity to surprise. As a batsman, he has a reputation for stoic defence. Yet, in November 2014 he reached a century against Australia in just 56 balls, equalling the previous record for the fastest ever Test innings, held by Viv Richards. The tuk-tuk had become a Ferrari.

Late in 2015, Misbah tried to retire. He was 41 and had helped to keep Pakistani cricket alive during some of its darkest days. But the selectors pressured him to stay on, arguing that the team would need him during its arduous tours to England and Australia.

They were right. His crowning glory was still to come. The team arrived in England following weeks of training with the national army in Abbottabad. “The army people are not getting much salaries, but for this flag and for the Pakistani nation, they want to sacrifice their lives,” Misbah said. “That’s a big motivation for all of us. Everyone is really putting effort in for that flag and the nation.”

Now 42, almost a decade older than any cricketer in England’s side, Misbah fulfilled a lifetime’s ambition by playing in a Test match at Lord’s. In Pakistan’s first innings, he scored a century and celebrated with push-ups on the outfield, in homage to the army’s fitness regime and those who had had the temerity to mock his age.

When Pakistan secured victory a little after 6pm on the fourth evening of the game, the entire team imitated the captain’s push-ups, then saluted the national flag. The applause for them reverberated far beyond St John’s Wood.

“It’s been a remarkable turnaround after the 2010 incident,” Misbah-ul-Haq said, ever undemonstrative.

He would never say as much, but he has done more than anyone else to lead Pakistan back to glory. 

Tim Wigmore is a contributing writer to the New Statesman and the author of Second XI: Cricket In Its Outposts.

This article first appeared in the 21 July 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The English Revolt