How Labour would solve the youth unemployment crisis

The government's approach has utterly failed. We need a revolution in the way businesses, ministers and schools work together to get young people into work.

Today, the government finally admitted the truth. Its Youth Contract has utterly failed to get our young people back to work. The flagship scheme is now on course to miss its target by more than 92% - no wonder there are still almost a million young people out of work. The benefits bill for young people is now more than £3.6bn a year.

Today, Labour says we simply can’t go on like this. The system is broken and its needs to change, and one of those changes has to be a revolution in the way small business, government and schools work together to get our teenagers job-ready. That’s the conclusion of a radical report by Labour’s Youth Jobs Taskforce, led by Alan Buckle, deputy chairman of KPMG, which we publish today.

We asked Alan to spend six months talking to business about just what they can do to help tackle Britain’s youth unemployment crisis. We found some stark conclusions. British business is ashamed of the UK's sky-high youth unemployment – and champing at the bit to help – but all too often the system is getting in the way.

Look at Westfield’s work in east London to make sure Newham residents were first in line for work at the new retail park. Look at the National Grid’s programme to employ young ex-offenders. It’s a scheme that’s helped over 2,000 young people get a job. And look at the way that Labour councils like Liverpool, Sheffield and Manchester are creating Apprenticeship Agencies to forge a new partnership with small business to get young people onto the first rung of the careers ladder.

Businesses small and large want to join forces in tackling this crisis. But the government is letting them down. Our report finds that Britain’s small businesses have all but given up on the Work Programme and the Youth Contract which are respectively, abysmal and anonymous. Even Nick Clegg admits the system isn’t working.

But what the report exposes is that the problem now runs much deeper. Careers services have become all but extinct and young people now lack any independent advice on what skills to develop to land a local job and a local career.

The world of work is changing all the time, yet our young people have no guarantee of independent careers education and guidance at school, and the government has scrapped the right to work experience. No wonder six in ten firms say school and college leavers have not developed the self-management skills they need for work. Education and work are just too far apart and the result is a situation where we have nearly a million young people desperate for work at the same time as  business is reporting skills shortages that are getting worse not better. We can’t go on like this. Our report suggests some big changes.

First, we have to find a new way to harness small business. According to the Federation of Small Businesses, nine out of ten unemployed or inactive people who move into jobs do so with small businesses. So we have to revolutionise the way apprenticeships work for SMEs. Liverpool, Leeds and Sheffield are creating apprenticeship training agencies to make it easy for an SME to say 'yes' to a young apprentice.

Second, it means exploring how small business, government and schools can come together to rebuild Britain’s careers service. Labour pioneers like Manchester City Council are piloting UCAS-style clearing houses for apprenticeships to help small businesses find the recruits they need.

Third, we should look at opening up access to job outcome data for schools, so parents can get a much better idea of how well local schools are preparing their children for the world of work.

Fourth, we have to multiply the ways we bring businesses and schools closer together. At the best primary schools today, pupils are offered 'work discovery' to inspire them about the world of work. That’s especially important for opening male-dominated professions, like engineering, to women. For older pupils, employers should accredit rigorous vocational qualifications as part of our Tech Bacc alongside a work placement. And why not encourage more business people to sit on governing boards? We would give all schools the freedom to innovate with the national curriculum, so they can work with local businesses to tailor courses for local labour market.

Finally, we need to look into ensuring that young people leave school with a plan for their future careers, whether that’s a university, apprenticeship or employment offer. No one should feel undersupported when they move into the working world.

For three years now, this government’s policy has been one effort after another to divide and rule. To find one 'welfare dividing line' after another. When did we ever achieve anything by turning on each other? We have only ever achieved great things when we’ve pulled together. That’s what needs to happen now. We can end the crisis of youth unemployment. Business is up for it. Schools and colleges are up for it. We’re up for it. We just need to get the Conservative Party out the way.

Liam Byrne is shadow work and pensions secretary; Stephen Twigg is shadow education secretary

Two youths sit on a bench in Corby, Northamptonshire. Photograph: Getty Images.

Liam Byrne is shadow work and pensions secretary; Stephen Twigg is shadow education secretary

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"We repealed, then forgot": the long shadow of Section 28 homophobia

Why are deeply conservative views about the "promotion" of homosexuality still being reiterated to Scottish school pupils? 

Grim stories of LGBTI children being bullied in school are all too common. But one which emerged over the weekend garnered particular attention - because of the echoes of the infamous Section 28, nearly two decades after it was scrapped.

A 16-year-old pupil of a West Lothian school, who does not wish to be named, told Pink News that staff asked him to remove his small rainbow pride badge because, though they had "no problem" with his sexuality, it was not appropriate to "promote it" in school. It's a blast from the past - the rules against "promoting" homosexuality were repealed in 2000 in Scotland, but the long legacy of Section 28 seems hard to shake off. 

The local authority responsible said in a statement that non-school related badges are not permitted on uniforms, and says it is "committed to equal rights for LGBT people". 

The small badge depicted a rainbow-striped heart, which the pupil said he had brought back from the Edinburgh Pride march the previous weekend. He reportedly "no longer feels comfortable going to school", and said homophobia from staff members felt "much more scar[y] than when I encountered the same from other pupils". 

At a time when four Scottish party leaders are gay, and the new Westminster parliament included a record number of LGBTQ MPs, the political world is making progress in promoting equality. But education, it seems, has not kept up. According to research from LGBT rights campaigners Stonewall, 40 per cent of LGBT pupils across the UK reported being taught nothing about LGBT issues at school. Among trans students, 44 per cent said school staff didn’t know what "trans" even means.

The need for teacher training and curriculum reform is at the top of campaigners' agendas. "We're disappointed but not surprised by this example," says Jordan Daly, the co-founder of Time for Inclusive Education [TIE]. His grassroots campaign focuses on making politicians and wider society aware of the reality LGBTI school students in Scotland face. "We're in schools on a monthly basis, so we know this is by no means an isolated incident." 

Studies have repeatedly shown a startling level of self-harm and mental illness reported by LGBTI school students. Trans students are particularly at risk. In 2015, Daly and colleagues began a tour of schools. Shocking stories included one in which a teacher singled out a trans pupils for ridicule in front of the class. More commonly, though, staff told them the same story: we just don't know what we're allowed to say about gay relationships. 

This is the point, according to Daly - retraining, or rather the lack of it. For some of those teachers trained during the 1980s and 1990s, when Section 28 prevented local authorities from "promoting homosexuality", confusion still reigns about what they can and cannot teach - or even mention in front of their pupils. 

The infamous clause was specific in its homophobia: the "acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship" could not be mentioned in schools. But it's been 17 years since the clause was repealed in Scotland - indeed, it was one of the very first acts of the new Scottish Parliament (the rest of the UK followed suit three years later). Why are we still hearing this archaic language? 

"We repealed, we clapped and cheered, and then we just forgot," Daly says. After the bitter campaign in Scotland, in which an alliance of churches led by millionaire businessman Brian Souter poured money into "Keeping the Clause", the government was pleased with its victory, which seemed to establish Holyrood as a progressive political space early on in the life of the parliament. But without updating the curriculum or retraining teaching staff, Daly argues, it left a "massive vacuum" of uncertainty. 

The Stonewall research suggests a similar confusion is likely across the UK. Daly doesn't believe the situation in Scotland is notably worse than in England, and disputes the oft-cited allegation that the issue is somehow worse in Scotland's denominational schools. Homophobia may be "wrapped up in the language of religious belief" in certain schools, he says, but it's "just as much of a problem elsewhere. The TIE campaign doesn't have different strategies for different schools." 

After initial disappointments - their thousands-strong petition to change the curriculum was thrown out by parliament in 2016 - the campaign has won the support of leaders such as Nicola Sturgeon and Kezia Dugdale, and recently, the backing of a majority of MSPs. The Scottish government has set up a working group, and promised a national strategy. 

But for Daly, who himself struggled at a young age with his sexuality and society's failure to accept it, the matter remains an urgent one.  At just 21, he can reel off countless painful stories of young LGBTI students - some of which end in tragedy. One of the saddest elements of the story from St Kentigern's is that the pupil claimed his school was the safest place he had to express his identity, because he was not out at home. Perhaps for a gay pupil in ten years time, that will be a guarantee. 

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