Osborne rules out further welfare cuts and tax rises as he targets Whitehall

The Chancellor reveals that he has already secured agreement from seven departments to cuts of up to 10 per cent and makes it clear that he's after more.

After reports at the weekend that he is struggling to secure agreement from cabinet ministers to any cuts in next month's Spending Review, George Osborne has taken the unusual step of touring the studios to reveal the progress he's made so far. On ITV's Daybreak, he announced that seven departments had "agreed provisionally" to cuts of up to 10 per cent, mentioning Justice, Energy and Communities by name (the others are reported to be the Foreign Office, the Cabinet Office, the Treasury  and Northern Ireland). He later added on BBC News that this meant he was now "about 20 per cent of the way there"

Today's Telegraph reports that Iain Duncan Smith has offered to cut welfare by another £3bn in order to protect spending on defence and the police, but Osborne made it clear that with the Lib Dems opposed to any further welfare cuts, this was not an option. "We've already accepted big reductions in welfare, including big reductions for this year, now we've got to look for savings in Whitehall, in government, in bureaucracy," he said. And he made it clear that this would include further cuts to the Home Office and Defence, despite the public protestations of Philip Hammond and Theresa May. While Osborne emphasised that he was "not going to do things that are going to endanger the security of the country, either at home or abroad", he added, "that doesn't mean you can't find savings in the way these big departments operate." In addition to dampening Tory hopes of further cuts to welfare, Osborne also signalled that had no plans to introduce further tax rises on top of those announced in the Budget. "I am in effect ruling it out, I'm looking for the money from Whitehall", he said. 

Challenged on why he was having a Spending Review at all, when he might not be in government for the period in question (2015-16), Osborne pointed out that "the financial year starts before the general election" and also revealed his underlying political motive. The review, he said, would raise the "very interesting question" of whether Labour "would match these plans". Should Labour fail to do so, Osborne will accuse them, as the Tories did in 1992, of planning a "tax bombshell" or more of the borrowing "that got us into this mess in the first place". After the Chancellor's pre-Spending Review report this morning, that is a dilemma Ed Miliband and Ed Balls will soon to have to confront. 

George Osborne arrives at media company Unruly, on April 25, 2013 in London. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Richmond is a wake-up call for Labour's Brexit strategy

No one made Labour stand in Richmond Park. 

Oh, Labour Party. There was a way through.

No one made you stand in Richmond Park. You could have "struck a blow against the government", you could have shared the Lib Dem success. Instead, you lost both your dignity and your deposit. And to cap it all (Christian Wolmar, take a bow) you self-nominated for a Nobel Prize for Mansplaining.

It’s like the party strategist is locked in the bowels of HQ, endlessly looping in reverse Olivia Newton John’s "Making a Good Thing Better".

And no one can think that today marks the end of the party’s problems on Brexit.

But the thing is: there’s no need to Labour on. You can fix it.

Set the government some tests. Table some amendments: “The government shall negotiate having regard to…”

  • What would be good for our economy (boost investment, trade and jobs).
  • What would enhance fairness (help individuals and communities who have missed out over the last decades).
  • What would deliver sovereignty (magnify our democratic control over our destiny).
  • What would improve finances (what Brexit makes us better off, individually and collectively). 

And say that, if the government does not meet those tests, the Labour party will not support the Article 50 deal. You’ll take some pain today – but no matter, the general election is not for years. And if the tests are well crafted they will be easy to defend.

Then wait for the negotiations to conclude. If in 2019, Boris Johnson returns bearing cake for all, if the tests are achieved, Labour will, and rightly, support the government’s Brexit deal. There will be no second referendum. And MPs in Leave voting constituencies will bear no Brexit penalty at the polls.

But if he returns with thin gruel? If the economy has tanked, if inflation is rising and living standards have slumped, and the deficit has ballooned – what then? The only winners will be door manufacturers. Across the country they will be hard at work replacing those kicked down at constituency offices by voters demanding a fix. Labour will be joined in rejecting the deal from all across the floor: Labour will have shown the way.

Because the party reads the electorate today as wanting Brexit, it concludes it must deliver it. But, even for those who think a politician’s job is to channel the electorate, this thinking discloses an error in logic. The task is not to read the political dynamic of today. It is to position itself for the dynamic when it matters - at the next general election

And by setting some economic tests for a good Brexit, Labour can buy an option on that for free.

An earlier version of this argument appeared on Jolyon Maugham's blog Waiting For Tax.

Jolyon Maugham is a barrister who advised Ed Miliband on tax policy. He blogs at Waiting for Tax, and writes for the NS on tax and legal issues.