Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

  1. Why these cults of hate beguile the lost boys (Times)
    Whether it is radical Islam or street gangs, powerless, alienated teenagers need protection from false certainties, writes Janice Turner
  2. Tim Cook: Apple’s quiet leader (Financial Times)
    A defence of the tech group’s tax affairs has boosted the chief’s profile, writes Tim Bradshaw.
  3. Woolwich attack: When killers strike, should we listen to what they say? (Guardian)
    Just as Breivik's views on Islam did not deserve a hearing by the right, so the left should not use Woolwich to make its case on foreign policy, writes Jonathan Freedland.
  4. Dave must move against the Tory dark forces (Times)
    Every time the PM moves to the Right, they want more. Unless he makes an example of a malcontent he is doomed, writes Matthew Parris
  5. The West is fighting on behalf of ordinary Muslims – and winning (Telegraph)
    Our enemies are utterly misguided in their denunciation of Britain’s interventions overseas, writes Con Coughlin.
  6. Nigel Farage bombed in Edinburgh – what does that really tell us about Scottish antipathy to the English? (Guardian)
    It could be to do with class more than nationality, writes Ian Jack
  7. Dogma will always lead to murder. In the end, scepticism is the only answer (Independent)
    The Woolwich killers were certain that faith supported their actions, writes A C Grayling.
  8. The fate of Sally Bercow suggests it's all to easy to side with the baying mob (Telegraph)
    The ill-judged clamour over Lord McAlpine swept many of us to a false conclusion, writes Graeme Archer.
  9. Farewell, Shameless. Your heirs have work to do (Independent)
    The undeserving poor – the feckless, the workshy, the scrounging – are the exception, not the norm. If only our television screens reflected that, writes Owen Jones.
  10. Britain is at risk of creating another housing bubble (Financial Times)
    The chancellor should be working to build homes, not push prices up further, writes Chris Giles

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Don't blame Brexit on working-class anger - it's more worrying than that

White voters who identified as "English not British" backed Brexit.

For those of us who believe that the referendum result in favour of Brexit is an unmitigated disaster, the nominations for culprits are open. Former Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg made a compelling argument in the Financial Times that the blame lies squarely with Cameron and Osborne.

Clegg, who has first-hand experience of Tory duplicity, is scarcely a neutral observer. But that does not make him wrong. No doubt the PM and the Chancellor are the proximate cause, and should be held accountable by their parliamentary constituents, their party, and by the country as a whole - or what’s left of it if Scotland goes its own way.

Yet journalists and historians alike would do well to probe deeper causes of the referendum result. One obvious culprit is the British press, who, at best, failed to scrutinise the Leave Campaign’s claims and at worst actively abetted them. The New York Times has suggested that using the EU as a punching bag has helped sell papers (or at least generate clicks) in what is probably the most challenging climate for traditional journalism in two centuries.  Boris Johnson, it seems, is irresistible clickbait for the fourth estate. And as Nick Cohen has observed on Saturday, Johnson and Gove, both politician-journalists, have elevated mendacity in politics from an occasional vice to a lifestyle choice.

The search for deeper causes of the Brexit vote, however, cannot end with the press. A different electorate could have taken a different view, as they did in Scotland, which voted 2-1 to Remain.  What was the magic sauce?

Too many commentators, especially those on the Left, have blamed working-class anger. It’s all about social class, apparently. Lisa Mckenzie nearly predicted the result on that basis. Others use it simply to criticise Tory austerity politics. Blaming class can be woven into another favourite narrative - this is about lack of educational attainment. Anyone who has lived in Britain for any period of time knows the class system, the town-and-country divide, and intergenerational wealth disparities as important features of British life. 

Another favourite culprit is racism, as the Washington Post wondered on SaturdayOthers had the same thought, and racist attacks are on the rise. Given Nigel Farage’s antics in the weeks before the election, none of this is surprising. Amidst such scary stuff, many have tried to emphasise that most Brexit voters are not racist, but rather disillusioned with the rule of metropolitan elites. Douglas Carswell is one proponent of this argument, but he’s not alone. The Economist, in an effort to avoid talking about race, asserts that this result was about age, region and class.

Still, this kind of analysis is at best naïve and at worst disingenuous. 

As Lord Ashcroft’s polls suggest, it is only the white working class (if by this we mean C2/DE, though many in DE are unemployed) who voted for Brexit. In fact, those describing themselves as "in employment" generally voted to Remain. Those describing themselves as Asian, black or Muslims overwhelmingly voted Remain. By contrast, nearly six in ten white Protestants voted to leave. 

Brexit was a rejection of British multiculturalism. That is the real take-home message of the Ashcroft polls. Of those who see themselves as "English not British", 80 per cent voted to Leave, irrespective of social class. Those who see themselves as "British not English" voted 60 per cent for Remain. Similar patterns (and similar press involvement) can be found in the Quebec referendum of 1995, which failed by a narrower margin than Brexit succeeded.

Of non-Francophone voters in Quebec, 95 per cent voted to remain in Canada. Those who voted to leave, on the other hand, were rejecting Canadian multiculturalism. Quebecois separatism was seen as part of a struggle for cultural survival.  

Whether or not you call those attitudes racist, the advent of white English (and Welsh) nationalism is, for those of us who have taught modern European history, the truly ominous consequence of Brexit. Do not be fooled by the alternatives.

Dr D’Maris Coffman is a Senior Lecturer in Economics of the Built Environment at UCL Bartlett. Before coming to UCL in 2014, she was a Fellow and Director of Studies in History at Newnham College and a holder of a Leverhulme Early Career Fellowship in the Cambridge History Faculty.