How Scottish trade unions are shifting in favour of independence

The SNP could use Labour’s promise to maintain coalition austerity policies to increase union support.

In 1968, Mick McGahey, president of the National Union of Mineworkers in Scotland, attacked nationalism, an increasingly prominent force in Scottish politics, as a bourgeois deviation from the class struggle: “[The Scots are] entitled to decide the form and power of their own institutions,” he said at a specially convened trade union conference on devolution. “But Scottish workers have more in common with London dockers, Durham miners and Sheffield engineers than they have ever had with Scottish barons and landlord traitors.” The belief, expressed here by McGahey, that working class interests are indivisible across the United Kingdom was deeply embedded in the British organised labour movement throughout the 20th Century, and no more so than between the late-1940s and mid-1970s when Britain was at its most identifiably social democratic.

Today, the post-war welfare consensus has been shattered by more than three decades of Westminster-led neo-liberal reform, while trade union influence has diminished under the weight of Thatcher-era constraints. Moreover, the nationalism McGahey so forcefully denounced holds the reins of power in devolved Scotland and - current polls aside - stands a realistic chance of breaking-up the British state in next year’s independence referendum. In the midst of all this, Scottish trade unionism faces a difficult choice: to reaffirm its traditional commitment to the UK or abandon a British political system which seems exhausted of all radical potential.            

Few people are better qualified to assess that choice than Dave Moxham, deputy general secretary of the Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC), an umbrella body representing 37 affiliated trade unions and 630,000 workers across Scotland. Speaking to the New Statesman recently, Moxham explained the challenge the constitutional question poses his organisation: “The constitution stands apart from things like workplace protection because people don’t become trade unionists in order to win independence or stay in the UK. If we were to declare for a Yes vote or a No vote, we’d be projecting a complicated dynamic in binary terms. Where would that leave those constituent unions who voted differently?”

The STUC has a long history of support for devolution. In the 1970s it argued for the creation of a Scottish workers assembly and, two decades later, was instrumental in delivering the Holyrood parliament. For a while, it looked as though it might play a similar role in the independence debate, campaigning alongside other civil society organisations for a multi-option ballot. But the UK parties vetoed this, leaving the STUC reluctant to rush into an endorsement of any one constitutional position: “Initially, there was an assumption that the civil society alliance which emerged in the ‘80s and ‘90s over devolution might re-emerge”, Moxham said. “But the consensus which existed then is now more evenly split between [opposing] positions. Because of this, we’re not prepared to make up our mind until a series of key concerns have been addressed.”

These concerns were articulated in a detailed report - A Just Scotland - the STUC published last November. The report calls on the debate’s main protagonists to outline how their preferred constitutional settlements might improve life for working class Scots. Referring to the widespread support for a more powerful Scottish parliament which exists among anti-independence trade unionists, it also challenges Scottish Labour to produce bold proposals for the next phase of devolution, something Moxham believes is crucial: “Labour desperately needs to change if it’s going to regain its historical position in Scotland. This means bringing forward a positive vision and sweeping away all the pejorative language it has been using about, for instance, Scotland’s finances [outside the UK].”

Nonetheless, Scottish Labour’s relationship to the unions could have a substantial bearing on outcome of the referendum. Many women and public sector workers – two core constituencies in the referendum battle – are members of major unions, like Unison and Unite, which are still formally affiliated to the party and maintain relatively close links to its leadership. Without high levels of support from these groups, it will be extremely hard for the SNP to secure a majority for independence, not least because Scotland’s professional classes have remained steadfastly opposed to separation for decades.

At the same time, there is little doubt Labour’s sway over the unions has weakened. Not long after the STUC refused an invitation to join Better Together, the pro-UK campaign vehicle, the second largest branch of the Communication Workers Union (CWU) in Scotland, which represents Edinburgh, Stirling, Fife and Falkirk postal workers, voted to back independence. The CWU branch vote echoed a 2010 poll conducted by the Scottish Fire Brigades Union (FBU), which showed more than half its membership favoured secession. These developments reflect an underlying trend in Scottish politics: that of natural Labour supporters gradually switching to the SNP at Holyrood elections.

Cross-border ties between unions, which for so long helped cement solidarity among Scottish and English workers, also seem to have deteriorated over the last ten or twenty years. The onset of devolution and the transfer of control to Edinburgh of, among other things, transport, health and education policy, created a new layer of state power with which Scottish branches of British unions had to negotiate, reducing their reliance on larger, Westminster-focused, UK-wide structures. The recent statement of support for Scottish independence by Rail, Maritime and Transport (RMT) boss Bob Crow - not to mention the conspicuous failure of Mark Serwotka, general secretary of the Public and Commercial Services union (PCS), to speak out against it when last given the chance - has added to this sense of divergence.

There are powerful political dynamics at work here too. Scottish Labour leader Johann Lamont’s speech last September questioning the sustainability of universal benefits in Scotland established a clear ideological divide in the referendum campaign, pitching the SNP’s more conventional approach to social democracy against Labour’s Blairite demands for greater means-testing. This contrast has grown sharper still since Deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon – the most prominent centre-left voice in the SNP leadership - assumed control of the nationalists’ referendum strategy at the end of 2012. Given the severity of the coalition’s public spending cuts, worsening material inequality and the continued presence of nuclear weapons on the Clyde (something the STUC strongly opposes), it’s easy to see why, for large numbers of Scottish trade unionists, the appeal of London rule is beginning to wear thin.

Of course, scepticism about the likelihood of independence transforming Scotland into some sort of “progressive beacon” persists. At a recent seminar of the Red Paper Collective, a left-wing devolutionist group with close links to the unions, delegates cited the over-reliance of the Scottish economy on international finance capitalism, as well as its high levels of foreign ownership, as evidence that self-government will not lead to a revival of socialist politics. The neo-liberal streak in SNP economic policy also featured heavily in the Collective’s critique and, according to Gregor Gall, professor of industrial relations at Bradford University, represents a significant factor in the shaping of trade union attitudes to the national question: “The potential for unions to support independence on the grounds of social justice and workers’ rights is undermined by the SNP’s overtly pro-business agenda”, he told the New Statesman. “In order to win unions away from Labour, it will have to become more radical and reject the neo-liberal model.”

The opposition of organised labour in Scotland to separatism, formed over decades of shared struggle with workers across Britain, is less intense today than it was during, for instance, the mid-20th Century, when Mick McGahey presided over the Scottish NUM. A pragmatic assessment of the likely risks and benefits of independence –rather than political conviction or ideology –now tends to inform the response of Scottish trade unionism to the nationalist challenge. To whose advantage will this work in 2014? Professor Gall thinks the answer depends on how effectively the Yes campaign employs the language of social democracy to frame its case for self-government: “The basis of union support for independence exists because it is under the British model that the welfare state has been continually attacked. The SNP could use Labour’s promise to continue coalition austerity policies, albeit at a slightly slower rate, as a way of opening the door to the unions. But it will take boldness and political foresight to grasp this opportunity.” 

Pro-independence graffiti is written on the gable end wall of a derelict cottage in Bannockburn, Scotland. Photograph: Getty Images.

James Maxwell is a Scottish political journalist. He is based between Scotland and London.

Margit Wallner@pixabay
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What male contraceptives are scientists working on? And how soon can we use them?

The male Pill, the male coil, and a medication made from papaya seeds. 

When you think about it, male contraception makes more logical sense than female contraception: to put it bluntly, it’s safer to unload a gun than to shoot at a bullet-proof vest. 

Yet scientists have found it harder – or have been more reluctant – to control a million sperm a day than a single egg a month, and so there are, to date, ten different types of contraception available for women and only two (condoms and vasectomy) currently available for men.

This places a tremendous amount of pressure on women to avoid pregnancy. But it’s not just women calling for more options for their partners: men are demanding more control over their reproductive ability, too. A study published in the journal Human Reproduction indicated that around half of men would be open to using a male contraceptive, while three in eight wanted to know more information first.

Aaron Hamlin, executive director of the Male Contraceptive Initiative, tells me that this may be an underestimate: “[The researchers] asked about a hormonal contraceptive. Had the survey asked about a non-hormonal contraceptive, the acceptability may have been even higher due to the lower likelihood of side effects and potentially faster onset of action.” Hamlin is very clear that “contraception isn’t an either/or equation between men and women”, but its development for men has been slowed by a lack of funding:  

“Drug development is expensive. And if governments and philanthropists are interested in people being able to control their family sizes and futures, then they need to start taking funding for male contraceptive development seriously. The pill for women was funded practically single-handedly by philanthropist Katharine McCormick.  So far, there has been no modern-day Katharine McCormick for the male pill.”

There are, however, many male contraceptive options in the works. So what are they? And when will they be available?

On the way soon

Vasalgel: a sperm barrier

What is it? A hydrogel, which is a network of polymers suspended in a water-based gel. They’re quite flexible; much like the body’s natural tissue.

How does it work? Sperm are produced in the testes and then transported through a duct called the vas deferens. Vasalgel is injected into this duct, where it creates a semi-permeable barrier that allows fluid through, but not sperm. Vasalgel is reversible and works for up to a year, after which sperm flow returns almost immediately, or it can be removed by another injection that simply flushes it out of the system.

How soon can we use it?  Human trials are due to begin at the end of 2016 and men should be able to get the injection by 2018. Rights for the gel are owned by the non-profit organisation Parsemus Foundation which was started by Elaine Lissner, who while at Stanford University became frustrated by the almost-exclusive pressure on women to sort out contraception.

The male Pill

How does it work? This contraceptive is, rather amusingly, known as the “clean-sheets” pill for its ability to prevent fluid ejaculation. The pill relaxes the longitudinal muscles of the vas deferens whilst still allowing contraction of its circular muscles. This stops the sperm from being pushed out, but still allows orgasmic function. The blocking of fluid ejaculate also helps prevent the spread of some STIs.

How soon can we use it? The side effects of the major component of the drug, phenoxybenzamine, currently include dizziness, drowsiness, nasal congestion, stomach upset and tiredness. (It’s worth noting though that these are all common side effects of the pill for women.) However, researchers at King’s College London and University College London have created a prototype that evades these problems and together, they are now seeking funding to start trials of the pill on rams.

Intra Vas Device (IVD): the male coil

What is it? Like an inter-uterine device (IUD), or coil, for women, IVDs are inserted into the men's vas deferens and block sperm from moving down into the ejaculate.

How does it work? There are two types in development. The first, made in the US, involves inserting two sets of tiny, flexible silicone plugs into each vas deferens so that there is a space between the two plugs for the sperm to store. Researchers say the plugs can’t be felt by the patient, and the procedure is effectively like getting a vasectomy, but without cutting your tubes. 

The second, developed in China, is a flexible urethane tube with one end closed which is implanted into each vas deferens. Each tube is lined with a nylon mesh that acts as a sieve to collect sperm. A tiny hole at the closed end of the tube allows fluid, but not sperm to pass through, preventing the build-up of pressure that is often associated with a vasectomy.

Both procedures don’t require a scalpel and take less than twenty minutes to perform under general anesthetic. There are lower levels of side-effects compared to a vasectomy too, and reversal is thought to be a fast, out-patient procedure.

How far is it in development? Both types of IVD are currently undergoing human trials, which means they could be available within the next several years.  

On the horizon

Herbal contraception

What is it? Researchers in Indonesia have managed to isolate the active ingredient in a shrub called Gendarussa to make a contraceptive pill. Local tribesmen and villagers on the island of Papua have been boiling the plant and drinking it as a tea half an hour before sex for generations now.

How does it work? Upon contact with an egg, sperm secrete an enzyme that allows them to break through the surface. Scientists at the Airlangga University in Indonesia have discovered that this plant is able to inhibit this enzyme whilst not affecting sperm count, mobility or sexual pleasure.

How soon can we use it?  The pills have just passed Phase II of clinical trials and following a third, the drug could go onto the market in Indonesia. To reach the UK, however, the pill would need to undergo more clinical trials to meet our health test standards.

Heat, part one 

What is it? We all learned in school biology lessons that the testes rest at a cooler temperature than the rest of the body in order to allow sperm production. Logically then, it follows that increasing the temperature of them will lower if not stop sperm production.

How does it work? Known as “wet heat”, this method was first investigated in 1946 by Dr Marthe Voegeli in India in a study with only nine volunteers. Keeping the testes in a testes-only bath for 45 minutes daily for three weeks resulted in six months of sterility. The tests’ success meant that the practice was used widely during a famine in India and children born after it had no abnormalities. It is easily reversible, can be used multiple times and is non-surgical. However, Voegeli’s conclusions were never taken seriously at the time, in part because she was a woman.

How soon can we use it?  It is now being explored as an option of "booster" contraception for men. Hot packs, heating pads and over-the-counter fertility packs to check sperm count are now becoming available.

Heat, part two

How does it work? The second option, Cryptorchidism, mimics "Cryptorchid", or the condition of undescended testicles. Both the testes and their temperature are raised by a pair of underwear that contains a ring which hoists the testes up close to the canal through which they ascend in Cryptorchid. This increases their temperature through their proximity to the body, and the soft ring of material holding them in place reduces fertility and the sperm’s mobility. This is a reversible method that allows for the return of fertility in twelve to eighteen months.

How soon can we use it?  So far, only short term tests of one to four years have been conducted. Longer-term tests on a larger scale would show whether men who still want to have children in later life can do so after the treatment or not. Scientists are also worried that the treatment could increase the risk of testicular cancer.

Carica Papaya: the seed contraceptive

What is it? Seeds of a carica papaya haven been commonly eaten by men for many a generation in parts of South East Asia.

How soon can we use it? In the first study conducted on this, an extract of papaya seeds was fed to rats, resulting in decreased semen and a one hundred per cent efficacy, but with less than ideal side effects - due to the extract’s toxicity, the rats experienced dramatic weight loss. A chloroform extract of seeds tested on monkeys, however, caused low sperm production, no toxicity, no change in testosterone levels and full recovery within five months. If human trials go as well, we might soon start seeing men on the tube scoffing papaya seeds.

A bit of a pipe dream

Ultrasound

How does it work? Scientists believe ultrasound could be used to reduce men’s fertility temporarily, but they’ve yet to make it work in humans. The Parsemus Foundation funded a study on it on humans at the University of North Carolina and another in Italy on the sterilisation of dogs with ultrasound.

It was found that simply three applications for five minutes each with breaks of 48 minutes rendered dogs permanently sterile. Only one man was tested on and he found that even after exposure to ultrasound for ten days for twenty to thirty minutes, his fertility returned after just a few months.

How soon can we use it? Funding of this method has dried up given the poor results so far, though ultrasound is readily available online for men who wish to try it themselves (a science background is recommended though) and in doctor’s and physical therapist’s offices around the world.

Neem: the tree contraceptive

What is it? The Neem tree is native to India and was used as a male contraceptive in ancient times.

How does it work? For long-term contraception, a small amount of Neem oil injected into the vas deferens seems to provide eight months of contraception with no change in testosterone levels. In the 1980s it was found that Neem leaf tablets provided reversible male infertility but with no change in sperm production or libido in monkeys.

How far is it in development? Further study is still needed. Men in many rural parts of India however, continue to take the herb, apparently with the desired effects.

Adjudin/Gamandazole: derivatives anti-cancer medication 

What is it? Lonidamine, an anticancer medication, was found to cause infertility but at the expense of kidney damage at high doses. Scientists searching for a drug similar to Lonidamine discovered Adjudin and Gamandazole.

How does it work? In New York, a non-profit called the Population Council dedicated to finding more options for male contraception, discovered that Adjudin disrupts the process of sperm maturation in the testes by blocking the hormone that enables this and researchers at the University of Kansas Medical Centre found that Gamandazole does the same by preventing the sperm from developing its head and tail.

How soon can we use it? Adjudin researchers are still trying to find ways to improve its delivery into the body while Gamendazole, although promising, still has to undergo human testing and it will be several years before it’s available at the doctor’s office.