Three things we have learned from the Huhne and Pryce Trial

What is significant about these two convictions for perverting the course of justice, asks David Allen Green.

"Marital coercion" has no place in a modern criminal justice system

In 1925, Parliament abolished the old common law rule that an offence committed by a wife in the presence of her husband is committed under the coercion of the husband. However, it was replaced with a statutory defence that "on a charge against a wife for any offence other than treason or murder it shall be a good defence to prove that the offence was committed in the presence of, and under the coercion of, the husband".

This defence was not open to husbands coerced by wives, or to unmarried women (still less to anyone in a civil partnership). Lawyers even disagreed on whether the burden of proof for invoking this defence was on the defence or the onus was on the prosecution to disprove. In this trial, the judge ruled that the onus was on the prosecution to disprove. But the wider issue remains: should this (undoubtedly discriminatory) defence even exist at all, when there is also a general (but less generous) defence of duress in English criminal law.

Juries should be allowed to ask basic questions

The jury in the first Pryce trial asked some fairly basic questions of the judge. Some pundits responded to this with ridicule. However, the defence of "maritial coercion" was not straightforward in either legal or evidential terms, and the jury was right to ask questions. After all, a jury asking questions is a sign of a legal system working.

Newspaper exclusives do not come easily

The publication of the email and other correspondence between Vicky Pryce on one hand and the Sunday Times and Mail on Sunday on the other will be a significant boon for students of media law and journalistic practice for a long time to come. Not only do we see an experienced journalist Isabel Oakeshott patiently negotiating with a changeable and sometimes manipulative source, we also see how newspapers offer legal guarantees and other comfort at each stage in tryng to get a story to publication. The whole correspondence should now be required reading for anyone wanting to understand where newspaper exclusives actually come from. Whether this correspondence should ever have been put before a court and enter the public domain will also now be an issue for media ethics debates.

David Allen Green is legal correspondent of the New Statesman.

Vicky Pryce. Photograph: Getty Images

David Allen Green is legal correspondent of the New Statesman and author of the Jack of Kent blog.

His legal journalism has included popularising the Simon Singh libel case and discrediting the Julian Assange myths about his extradition case.  His uncovering of the Nightjack email hack by the Times was described as "masterly analysis" by Lord Justice Leveson.

David is also a solicitor and was successful in the "Twitterjoketrial" appeal at the High Court.

(Nothing on this blog constitutes legal advice.)

Ukip's Nigel Farage and Paul Nuttall. Photo: Getty
Show Hide image

Is the general election 2017 the end of Ukip?

Ukip led the way to Brexit, but now the party is on less than 10 per cent in the polls. 

Ukip could be finished. Ukip has only ever had two MPs, but it held an outside influence on politics: without it, we’d probably never have had the EU referendum. But Brexit has turned Ukip into a single-issue party without an issue. Ukip’s sole remaining MP, Douglas Carswell, left the party in March 2017, and told Sky News’ Adam Boulton that there was “no point” to the party anymore. 

Not everyone in Ukip has given up, though: Nigel Farage told Peston on Sunday that Ukip “will survive”, and current leader Paul Nuttall will be contesting a seat this year. But Ukip is standing in fewer constituencies than last time thanks to a shortage of both money and people. Who benefits if Ukip is finished? It’s likely to be the Tories. 

Is Ukip finished? 

What are Ukip's poll ratings?

Ukip’s poll ratings peaked in June 2016 at 16 per cent. Since the leave campaign’s success, that has steadily declined so that Ukip is going into the 2017 general election on 4 per cent, according to the latest polls. If the polls can be trusted, that’s a serious collapse.

Can Ukip get anymore MPs?

In the 2015 general election Ukip contested nearly every seat and got 13 per cent of the vote, making it the third biggest party (although is only returned one MP). Now Ukip is reportedly struggling to find candidates and could stand in as few as 100 seats. Ukip leader Paul Nuttall will stand in Boston and Skegness, but both ex-leader Nigel Farage and donor Arron Banks have ruled themselves out of running this time.

How many members does Ukip have?

Ukip’s membership declined from 45,994 at the 2015 general election to 39,000 in 2016. That’s a worrying sign for any political party, which relies on grassroots memberships to put in the campaigning legwork.

What does Ukip's decline mean for Labour and the Conservatives? 

The rise of Ukip took votes from both the Conservatives and Labour, with a nationalist message that appealed to disaffected voters from both right and left. But the decline of Ukip only seems to be helping the Conservatives. Stephen Bush has written about how in Wales voting Ukip seems to have been a gateway drug for traditional Labour voters who are now backing the mainstream right; so the voters Ukip took from the Conservatives are reverting to the Conservatives, and the ones they took from Labour are transferring to the Conservatives too.

Ukip might be finished as an electoral force, but its influence on the rest of British politics will be felt for many years yet. 

0800 7318496