The Twitter diary of Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams, aged 64 and a third

Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams is on Twitter, but his tweets aren't what you'd expect.

Although the account is not verified by Twitter, the has confirmed that Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams is definitely on Twitter. 

You'll forgive the note of scepticism, because his tweets are not the bland pleasantries typical of politicians; nor are they the Galloway-esque thunderbolts one might expect of a firebrand like Adams. Instead, they are strangely domestic.

Prepare to enter the strange world of Gerry Adams, as revealed by his tweets…

Gerry Adams likes baking.



…and he's not one of those men who's afraid of the colour pink when he does it.



He's also a big fan of flowers, be they daffodils…



Or some sort of pink shrubby flower which I don't recognise.



Gerry Adams loves this horse. He wants to ride it through the fields and take it to the horse dentist.



Gerry Adams also has an adorable Bichon Frise called Snowie who he loves very much.



Sometimes Snowie wears a hat.



Gerry Adams fries his breakfast in the shape of a smiley face.



Oh yes, and Gerry Adams really . . .



Really . . .



REALLY . . . 



Loves his teddy bears.



Gerry Adams, proud holder of a Twitter account. Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Why relations between Theresa May and Philip Hammond became tense so quickly

The political imperative of controlling immigration is clashing with the economic imperative of maintaining growth. 

There is no relationship in government more important than that between the prime minister and the chancellor. When Theresa May entered No.10, she chose Philip Hammond, a dependable technocrat and long-standing ally who she had known since Oxford University. 

But relations between the pair have proved far tenser than anticipated. On Wednesday, Hammond suggested that students could be excluded from the net migration target. "We are having conversations within government about the most appropriate way to record and address net migration," he told the Treasury select committee. The Chancellor, in common with many others, has long regarded the inclusion of students as an obstacle to growth. 

The following day Hammond was publicly rebuked by No.10. "Our position on who is included in the figures has not changed, and we are categorically not reviewing whether or not students are included," a spokesman said (as I reported in advance, May believes that the public would see this move as "a fix"). 

This is not the only clash in May's first 100 days. Hammond was aggrieved by the Prime Minister's criticisms of loose monetary policy (which forced No.10 to state that it "respects the independence of the Bank of England") and is resisting tougher controls on foreign takeovers. The Chancellor has also struck a more sceptical tone on the UK's economic prospects. "It is clear to me that the British people did not vote on June 23 to become poorer," he declared in his conference speech, a signal that national prosperity must come before control of immigration. 

May and Hammond's relationship was never going to match the remarkable bond between David Cameron and George Osborne. But should relations worsen it risks becoming closer to that beween Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling. Like Hammond, Darling entered the Treasury as a calm technocrat and an ally of the PM. But the extraordinary circumstances of the financial crisis transformed him into a far more assertive figure.

In times of turmoil, there is an inevitable clash between political and economic priorities. As prime minister, Brown resisted talk of cuts for fear of the electoral consequences. But as chancellor, Darling was more concerned with the bottom line (backing a rise in VAT). By analogy, May is focused on the political imperative of controlling immigration, while Hammond is focused on the economic imperative of maintaining growth. If their relationship is to endure far tougher times they will soon need to find a middle way. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.